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November 27 On the road in Longyan: where have they all goneOn an initial encounter, Longyan city was such an ease on the eye. The same holds for many other interior cities in the province, but Longyan was special. And no, it was not only because of its natural beauty, although the fact that Fujian has China’s highest forest coverage did score points. To metropolitan urbanites like me, the interesting thing was how the city had managed to strike a balance between economic development and environment protection.
It didn’t take long to realize how wrong I was. Minutes before my departure, I picked up an earlier in-depth report on Longyan by a provincial research team composed of the top local leaders. One of the first lines read: “Significant work must be done to curb further pollution.”
By this time, I had found that the observation meant more than merely picking the worst out of the best. Here is a place where peasants rely on chopping trees for a living, where major polluting projects find their way through the city’s every corner, and where “Red tourism” has boosted the local service and real estate industries at a pace much faster than it has benefited its residents. And here is still a place where many live under the national poverty line.
Perhaps that’s why at night, walking by this city filled with traffic and decorated by neon lights of large and small, bright and dark, I somehow began to miss Guangze County, where there is neither bus nor taxi. The average house price per sq m in Nanping city has reached 6,000 to 7,000 yuan as opposed to the standard local monthly income, but even there, things seem less pressing.
In Longyan, giant ad boards stick out in ways similar to many a narrow street of Hong Kong, but instead of tea restaurants and leisure, they promote none other than “an elite, premium living” that is so distant to the average Joe and Jane, who long but brief moments for food and fun.
The cradle of the Chinese Revolution has restructured itself on a modernist landscape. So far so good – but only for the most part. For example, just meters outside the museum in commemoration of the 1929 Gutian conference, which laid the foundation for the Communist Party of China and its army, is a dazzling billboard that says “Hawaii KTV”. In another part of town, the road sign to a “Golden Phoenix foot-massaging center” finds itself right next to portraits of two police officers saluting the passengers.
As motorcycles soared over the long night, bits and pieces of modern urban life had came together here in this remote ancient city, where traditions are fast becoming a thing of the past. Indeed, it is still one of the last sites that are even capable of offering frequent glimpses of genuine nostalgia. And yet, any minute now, much of the remainder is likely to give in for economic growth, without which progress cannot be made. But with it, a lot is destined to be lost and never regained again. 七星：肉食者鄙，未能远谋今早看到新闻，三峡好人辈出的重庆某地拟“引资百亿建超七星级酒店”。百亿是什么概念？嫦娥一号才花了不到15亿。
消息全文如下：
本报讯 (记者 罗强)备受关注的大渡口建胜镇钓鱼嘴半岛开发,规划设计有了新方案。昨日,大渡口区政府透露,钓鱼嘴半岛可能会修建一座超七星级酒店,并形成国际化中央休闲商务区(CRBD)。
钓鱼嘴半岛面积约6平方公里,三面临江,生态环境优越,成为众多投资商争夺的热土。 大渡口区政府官员介绍,去年6月,大渡口将钓鱼嘴半岛列入开发计划后,就先后有深圳、广州、北京、香港及重庆等投资商前往考察,表达了投资意愿。 其中,深圳华侨城集团与大渡口已基本达成开发协议,准备投100亿元作开发。 11月19日下午,中国世代投资控股集团执行董事、总裁禹晋永带领设计团队,向大渡口区汇报钓鱼嘴半岛项目的规划设计及经营思路,并提出将钓鱼嘴半岛打造为国际化中央休闲商务区(CRBD)。 大渡口区委书记刘本荣、区长龙华表示,CRBD将作为钓鱼嘴半岛开发首选方案。 在此次钓鱼嘴半岛规划设计汇报会上,北京中天建中工程设计公司、北京维拓时代建筑设计有限公司提出的规划设计方案包括： 在钓鱼嘴半岛修建两栋建筑面积25万平方米的超七星级酒店,并以此为核心,配建适量写字楼群、会展中心及一些五星级商务酒店。 同时,建造一个国际山地高尔夫球场、游艇俱乐部、水上皇宫、购物中心,形成一个集旅游、商务、休闲等于一体的国际化中央休闲商务区(CRBD)。 刘本荣、龙华对此方案表示满意,并提出了一些修改建议和要求,开发中尽量保持当地原生态面貌。(来源：重庆晨报)
翻翻留言板，赫然见一网友曰： 大渡口在重钢搬走之后会变成居住区，可是这里人的素质，文化等仍然不够高，老房子也多……区府效率也不高，总之感觉很小气。忽然这样来了个七星级的家伙，仿佛一个穿金戴银的大富翁坐在菜地里…… November 26 On the road in Longyan: rural minimum allowanceLONGYAN: Zeng Guidi, 41, is a model mother and daughter-in-law. Since her husband died from excessive drinking in 2003, Zeng has managed to both treat her stroke suffering and paralyzed parents-in-law and send all three of her children to college by working four jobs. But still, she needed the help of rural minimum allowance to make things really work.
Her family is receiving 540 yuan per season, or 30 yuan per person per month, the lowest standard of the allowance scheme in Shangfu, a moderately-developed village in the poverty-struck Buyun County of Fujian province’s Longyan city. “I’m grateful for it,” she said.
Zeng has started a small printing/photocopying store since 1999, from which she gets around 5,000 yuan every year. She also grows rice in the nearby mountains and works in the county’s quarantine factory, and receives 1,000 to 2,000 yuan apiece annually. Aside from those, Zeng is a sessional local mailwoman for Minxi Daily, the region’s leading newspaper, on a 200-yuan monthly wage.
“But these hardly pay off for the expenses of my two daughters studying in Fuzhou, the provincial capital, and Guilin of Guangxi autonomous region,” she said. “Both their tuition is over 2,000 yuan per semester, and I mail them each 500 yuan monthly. I’m lucky that my son is working.”
Overall, Zeng is on the edge of the minimum allowance standard for rural households in Longyan, which rose this year from 1,000 to 1,200 yuan per year. “This may not mean much statistically, but for villagers, they’re very, very important,” said Lei Yonglang, civil affairs director in Buyun, where a tenth of its 1,000 households live on minimum allowance.
“We’ve kept dynamic supervision of the scheme since it was introduced so as to be able to allocate the money to the most needy on a real-time basis,” he said.
This would include Zhang Jingxiu, a 63-year-old man who has lived by himself for decades and grows bamboos for less than 1,000 yuan a year. He recently developed gastric stump cancer and received medication from the city hospital this August.
“I only paid a little over 1,000 yuan,” he said. “I don’t have to pay the 10 yuan per year for the rural cooperative medical scheme (RCMS); it’s covered by minimum allowance. RCMS takes care of 40 percent of the costs in city hospitals here, and minimum allowance covers half of RCMS. So I pay 40 percent of the total if I went to the city for meds, and even less if I chose town clinics.”
Zhang, on the highest rank of minimum allowance standards at 100 yuan per month, had to go to the rural credit cooperatives to draw his money. Since this year, however, it has been automatically transferred to his account.
Things are roughly the same for 63-year-old Zhang Heli, whose two daughters go to junior high in the town. They receive 105 yuan of subsidies every semester from the education bureau on top of their minimum allowance, which Zhang manages on their behalf.
Zhang grows rice, pepper and bamboo, from which he expects to earn 2,000 yuan this year. 600 yuan is mailed off each month to his daughters, who each pay over 400 yuan a semester. “My wife and I are on medical insurance, minimum allowance, as well as subsidies from education and family planning bureaus. All these are welfare that has emerged for us peasants in the past few years. They’ve been much better years for mine and other families,” he said. November 24 再转网友言论今年是全面抗战爆发七十周年。你问我何许人也，怎么恁大反应？答曰：你何许人也，怎么就恁没反应？
[匿名] yaomi 2007-10-14 15:16:20
电影打了NC-17，如果还是大制作，基本就是票房自杀了。（欧美）主流院线要进去都不容易。这些制片人不会没预见到吧。谁投资的啊？ 这么大方情愿把钱打水漂。 这次赤膊上阵，也跟时事有关。有点着急； 你说最近有什么事情让李这样兴奋? 这次的事情，特别令人气愤的是南方周末。除了龙那篇扯淡以外，南周的编辑也写了影评，说“王看到老易逃走，电影的镜头……如何如何，所有的紧张都释放了，无比轻松……” 还有什么，“王在车上拿着特工自杀的毒药，神色自然”，意思是王最后还是没有自杀被汉奸和日本人所杀, 但就是这样还居然是“紧张的释放”！……然后还什么什么老易回到床上,但是王不会回来了,男人摸着床单……王在知道将被汉奸杀害的情况下，还因为放了汉奸而放松，甚至愉快，最后汉奸杀了她以后再思念她……这是什么意思呢？就是说中国人要被汉奸杀了，也还是要爱汉奸；汉奸杀了你，他也还是思念你。只要有性在，生死的利害都没有了。这比张爱玲小说里还离谱 － 张的原小说里没有说王放跑易后是什么感受，她通过易的猜测，说王可能爱他也可能恨他……南周里有些人就是要解构。解构到常识都没有的地步。 再完美的苍蝇还是苍蝇 -《色戒》 xixihaha2008 自己喜欢看阳光简单的电影，看得禁忌题材的不是很多。自己觉得一个好的禁忌题材的电影，一个关键就是恰如其分的去表达那种力量和正反的冲撞，这样，喜欢得不喜欢的，支持得不支持的，都会找到思考自己思考别人的空间；既然是禁忌题材，就肯定不会是简简单单，也不知简单的道德伦理可以说得清楚明白的，所以，最不好的就是导演跳进来强烈的表达自己的观点，这样你会觉得导演的视角有失公允，也缺乏应有的深度。最近，北美地区正在上映《色戒》，一直没想去看的，未名空间BBS上讨论太激烈，褒李安，贬爱玲。赞小说，议影片。看后，也想加入mitbbs.cn的电影版的讨论，和大家进行一些深层次的探讨， Eastwood的四部电影，是个很好的例子。百万宝贝谈到了安乐死，但是作者没有跳进来告诉你他认为安乐死是对还是错，但是你可以看到那种对立力量的挣扎，让她那样一个斗志昂扬的生命这样毫无尊严的活下去是残忍的，但是那个教练对她安乐死之后，他也活在痛苦和挣扎之中。神秘的河谈到了儿童性侵犯对人一生的影响，本来会一辈子都是好朋友的波士顿三个少年，因为一个小孩被绑架性侵犯，三个人的命运都彻底的改变，几十年后他们因为其中一个朋友女儿的死又牵涉到一起，剧情充满了各种各样复杂的冲撞，但是都留下了一个合理的空间，正负好坏的对立力量恰如其分，没有作者的评价，作者也评价不了，谁也评价不了，然后，看完电影，你会觉得沉重，但不会觉得恶心，会觉得是一部好的禁忌题材的电影。 相反，Eastwood的另外两部电影，我就不喜欢，作者把自己的观点强加进来，你会觉得他在扭曲地诠释人物和情节，你会觉得不舒服。很多人都想拍不一样的二战电影，不是那种脸谱化的正义的盟军邪恶的同盟国，Eastwood的两部电影，琉璜岛家书，父辈的旗帜，和Tom Hanks的兄弟连都有一个共同的主题：士兵为国家而战，但是只为兄弟而死。但是兄弟连里面，你可以看到美军不光彩的一面，枪杀战俘，厌恶恐惧战斗，怀疑战争的价值，哄抢财务，你也会看到德军充满人性的一面，看到他们即使投降也充满军人荣誉的一面，但是他没有脸谱化的刻画美军和德军，它也有大量的描写美军为了解放欧洲殊死战斗，德军在在集中营种族屠杀，最后看完电影，你会感到，那些人物是那样的真实，战斗是丑恶的，但是不论美军德军，普通士兵是被迫得美好的。但是琉璜岛家书，父辈的旗帜里面的刻画，就太有作者的主观臆断：里面的美军和美国政府都是那样的萎缩虚伪，日军却一下成了充满人性光辉的爱好和平的不得不为国家战斗的北坡的战士。过了那个度，不是写禁忌题材的方法。 所以，我要说些在未名空间BBS上那些自以为很喜欢《色戒》的XDJM们不爱听的话了。我讨厌李安的电影，色戒，它也是过了那个度。宝万宝贝里面，支持安乐死，反对安乐死，双方的力量都是旗鼓相当。色戒里面，一边是五千万军民的死伤，亡国灭种的民族危险，一边是投降小日本充当汪精卫汉奸政权的日本汉奸；一边是这么多的同事同学，一起在做这么危险一件事情，一边仅仅是和汉奸几次做爱，就不仅可以把自己命也不要，还要把同学同事的命都要搭上。Come on, 大家都是成年人，不要侮辱我的智商。同样是描写二战女间谍的感情，荷兰电影黑色笔记本就好了非常的多，那个犹太女间谍也爱上了德军的司令官，但是看完那个电影，你完全不会有这个感觉。 更何况，那是真实的历史。这个故事这个小说的作者都是真实的历史。这个真实的故事是国民党特工郑萍如冒着危险进入76号刺杀汪精卫政府特务头子丁默村，计划失败后，明知道自己回去就是死路一条，郑萍如还是拿枪回去一个人刺杀丁默村，最后被杀害。这个真实的小说的作者是张爱玲，一个奇女子 - 在中国这样一个儒家社会，和平年代出卖国家甘当汉奸已经是没有廉耻，在那样一个亡国灭种的危险时代，汉奸，还是日本汉奸，更应该是人人喊打的过街老鼠 - 张爱玲这个奇女子不仅嫁给了一个日本汉奸，还被那个日本汉奸抛弃，没有几个人可以做到吧。然后，这个真实的郑如萍故事被这个真实的张爱玲写成小说，却变成了女特工因为成了日本汉奸的胯下之物，不仅自己身死，还连累所有人赔了性命。 不敢想象张爱玲是以什么心态在写这样一个故事：如果说她在写女人的心理，为什么郑萍如没有沉迷于汉奸，只有她沉迷于汉奸呢？如果她在写人性，人性是什么？为国家而死就是一个毫无意义的被别人操纵的棋子，为汉奸而死就是充满了人性的光辉？ 很多作品，我们没有看到爱情，我们只看到了欲望；我们没有看到快乐，我们只看到了快感。也许有的导演就认为，欲望就是爱情，快感就是快乐吧。从李安的电影一开始，就开始大力宣传的性爱镜头，我都不怀疑我会看到什么。 不管李安的功底多么高，基于这样一个故事的电影，也只能用鲁迅先生的一句话：再完美的苍蝇还是苍蝇，有缺憾的斗士还是斗士。 继续转：戴嘉琦文戴嘉琦：亲日确实是那个时代知识分子的一种主要态度，最鲜明的就是九一八之后：胡适在《大公报》发表文章，称“这不特是日本的希望，更是亚洲的希望，人类的希望”……
文章以女权主义观点横切直入，刀刀凄厉，我也休用多提。其中还恰好说到高中时爱读的《呼啸山庄》。于是一并转来，以为后用：
丑女爱情和汉奸人性——我看《色•戒》
有关《色戒》的讨论已经很丰富了，这部电影我看的是从网上下载的未删节版本，前几天和一个朋友聊到了这个话题，也搭车说两句。
先说说张爱玲。作为女性作家，张爱玲本人毫无女性应有的尊严感和独立感；她对爱情的观察，即使站在女性的角度看也非常有问题。她对爱情的低俗理解，使得《色•戒》成为一篇拙劣的作品。
张爱玲的人生经历类似英国的勃朗特姐妹。和张爱玲一样，勃朗特姐妹是自身条件比较差——从男性的角度来看，勃朗特姐妹和张都属于很难看的丑女——因而缺乏男性追求。同样，勃朗特姐妹和张爱玲都因此而对爱情有一种近乎变态的执着追求，渴望拥有爱情，对爱情的执着超越了其他的人生追求。张爱玲和勃朗特姐妹的这种爱情观，姑且名之为“丑女爱情观”。
在夏洛蒂•勃朗特的《简•爱》中，作者给那些渴望爱情的丑女开出了比较正确，至少合乎现实的药方：独立实现自身的价值，然后再等待男性的认可。作者不仅站在女性、更是站在丑女的立场上，观察到了爱情的功利性和现实性（“你以为我长得不美，出身又不好就不渴望爱情？告诉你，如果我有和别人一样的美貌和良好出身，我也能够让你爱上我，正想我爱上你一样），更让女主人公在男性的抛弃和感情玩弄（尽管作者没有有意表现这一点，但罗切斯特对简?爱就是在玩弄感情）面前认识到了女性尊严的可贵。作为丑女，简•爱在罗切斯特面前不仅没有任何自卑和乞怜，更有勇气拒绝优越条件的诱惑。在《简•爱》的结尾，夏洛迪把一个看似“灰姑娘”的故事讲得意味深长：罗切斯特最后破产成为了残废，处在和简•爱平等的地位。此时的罗切斯特才认识到了爱情的真实和可贵。夏洛迪的作品不仅体现了丑女对爱情的呼唤，更体现了女性、特别是丑女的人格、尊严与独立。
再看艾米莉•勃朗特的《呼啸山庄》。艾米莉并无姐姐那样鲜明的女性自我意识，作为丑女，她和张爱玲一样，对爱情的追求是执着的、畸形的。她渴望是超越世俗、乃至超越生命本身的爱情。作品中主人公卡瑟琳和瑟夫克利夫在封闭环境下产生的爱情不仅刻骨铭心，而且灼人烧人。但是，艾米莉认识到了这种爱情——其实也就是琼瑶等人笔下所谓的“真爱”——既不符合社会的要求，更不符合人性的本质。在《呼啸山庄》中，瑟夫克利夫对卡瑟琳的畸恋直接导致了两代人的不幸，对爱情的执着和对复仇的狂热，使其从一个可怜的孤儿变成了一个可怕的暴君。在作品中，艾米莉不止一处地表现出了畸恋对于人性的摧残。对此，毛姆曾经评价道：“我不知道还有哪一部小说其中爱情的痛苦、迷恋、残酷、执著，曾经如此令人吃惊地描述出来。”女主人公卡瑟琳在临终之前，项链坠中装的正是丈夫和情人两个人的头发，这暗示出在作者心目中，市俗的、真实婚姻一样有其可贵的价值。艾米莉最大的成功就在于她具有对自身爱情观的批评勇气，能够从暴风骤雨之中解脱出来，能够正视自己是个丑女人这样的现实。艾米莉承认人性中有比爱情更高贵、更重要的东西。卡瑟琳的丈夫与卡瑟琳并非自由恋爱，但在作者的笔下，一个负责任的丈夫、一个慈祥的父亲一样可爱可敬。在《呼啸山庄》中，人性中的善良、正义始终被置放在高于爱情的位置之上，这正是艾米莉超越了姐姐夏洛迪成为三姐妹中最出色的作家的根本原因。 反观张爱玲笔下的“美女”，其实依然是丑女的形象。无论七巧、流苏、长白还是《色戒》中的王佳芝，尽管作者刻意塑造了她们的美貌形象，但这些女主人公都缺乏男性的追求，恋上她们的男性只有一个，而这唯一的男性都对她们进行感情乃至肉体的玩弄。这是张爱玲小说的一个基本套路。 张爱玲对于爱情的向往和追求，一靠做梦，把自己想象成美女，二靠出卖女性的人格和尊严。张笔下的女性追求的男人都毫无责任感和男子气味，对爱情只想坐享其成而从不负责，不仅对女性进行感情上的欺骗，更进行肉体乃至心灵的摧残。但张对这些男人不仅毫无谴责，反而在笔下有意无意地承认这种现象的合理性——她让所有的女主人公都对男人百依百顺。在张的笔下，毫无尊严、独立和人格的追求。 张爱玲拥有对爱情的向往，却缺乏自我的性别意识。《色戒》中“易先生”对女主人公的强奸，之所以能够让主人公心动，根本的原因在于易的行为完成了女主人公的自我性别认同，而那颗钻戒则满足了主人公的虚荣感，证明她得到了男性的承认。不难看出，张爱玲的笔下，女性的自我价值认同，实际上源于男性的认同。在张爱玲的爱情观中，丑女对于爱情的追求，必须建立在彻底放弃自己的尊严和人格的基础上才能获得。 张爱玲的丑女爱情观，实际上是站在美女的视角对丑女的嘲笑；而她本人则是个丑陋而不受男性欢迎的女人。这使得她的作品都有一种“分裂感”：女主人公的命运完全脱离现实，美貌无比却除了唯一的爱人之外再无追求者；性格古怪却又毫无自我意识。相比于其他作品，《色戒》把张的这种低俗格调发挥得最为淋漓尽致。这种拙劣而根本缺乏现实支撑的爱情观，使得《色•戒》从根子上就是一部低俗之作。 文学作品的高明与否，是否来源于生活是个非常重要的标准。金庸的小说为什么难登大雅之堂？塞万提斯为什么反对骑士小说（塞万提斯本人在《唐吉袔德》中也承认有些骑士小说“写得很不错”）？最重要的一点就在于这些小说所表现的时代、人物都不是真实的。比如《射雕英雄传》中的人物，读者一看就知道宋代的人并不是那样的生活、说话和思考的，当代的人实际上也不是那样生活、说话和思考的。小说中的所有人物都只存在于作者的脑海之中。 当然有人会说卡夫卡、会说所谓的荒诞主义、魔幻现实主义等等，也会说人不会变甲壳虫，但那些小说其实也是对生活的反应，只不过是以一种夸张的形式表现出来而已。 现在的人动不动什么后现代文学，包括王小波的东西也被冠以后现代，其实，后现代文学以及所谓的“现代性文学”根本没有那么复杂，都只是对生活的写实，因为抛弃了一些传统小说取悦读者的技巧，因此显得生硬，带有自己的风格，这种风格是自然产生的，不是作者故意制造出来的。大师和模仿秀的差别、奥威尔和王小波的差别就在这里。 张爱玲的小说可以看出她并没有对生活的观察，也并没有对现实的思考。一个真实生活中的美女、而且是出身相当不错的美女是不会仅为了一个钻石戒指爱上一个年近半百的老汉奸的。当然她的文字很漂亮，很能取悦读者——其实是一种非常传统的取悦方式——拥有读者也不奇怪，但是把她的小说拔高到那么样的高度就是有人在故意搞鬼。 再看看李安的电影。显然，李安把握住了小说的精神的，从他选择相貌平平——从男性观众的角度看，汤唯比我看到的荧幕上的简•爱和卡瑟琳的形象要难看很多——的汤唯而不是更接近原型的美女作为女主角，看得出他理解张爱玲所的“丑女视角”。李安把这种视角进一步的放大，扭曲，小说中“易先生”对女主角的性爱还有一丝的感情因素，在电影中则完全是赤裸裸的占有和虐待。 电影具有商品的性质，其成功与否，在于是否能给人感官的愉悦。然而，在《色戒》中，电影的情节处理和人物塑造都很粗糙，但独独对性爱镜头处理得非常精致和细腻。所有的人物塑造除了易先生——这还是梁朝伟的功劳，换成另外一个人，比如说刘德华就根本没有这个效果——之外都很干瘪，女主角的价值转变根本没有过度，抗日青年的形象丑陋而生涩……这样的电影是优秀的电影吗？如果我们把《色戒》抽掉那些色情镜头，我们会愉悦吗？ 其实，张的小说出名的有很多，比如《桂花蒸》、《沉香屑》、《连环套》、《多少恨》……但色戒偏偏不在其中。这篇小说一出来就遭到了非议。李安却偏偏选中了这篇小说，不能不佩服这个人的老辣眼光！ 李安想要告诉所有的女性乃至所有中国人的，实际上正是张爱玲的“丑女爱情观”：放弃尊严，放弃自我，放弃人格，才能获得强势的认同。李安镜头中的人性，其实就是强者法则，在这部电影中，正反面的人物都很干瘪，唯有汉奸显得丰满而立体。在李安的视角下，只有汉奸才符合人性，也只有汉奸所认同的人性，才是真正的人性。女主人公的经历，其实就是通过被强奸获得汉奸的认同（送钻戒），通过认同汉奸的人性而最终自我毁灭（被汉奸杀死）的过程。 汉奸的人格与张爱玲的丑女爱情观，正是李安所想要奉献给中国人的东西。无怪乎李安在得知自己的电源在美国列为NC17时得意洋洋地宣称：“自己更在乎的是家乡人民的看法。” 反面教材也是教材，而且往往是更鲜活的教材。 November 23 转南都王八蛋文章及乌有之乡按我早知会有此日。巩献田教授去年就身受南周记者毒害，被诬守旧，无力反驳。今朝又轮到乌有之乡，只因为说了几句《色·戒》的坏话，有人便顶不顺了，哎呀不得了，怎么能这样说话呢？于是再次祭出业内法宝，不惜捏造引语，猛扣高帽，务必杀退一切非阴道主义者为荷。可怜的长平副主编，这回您怎么就没有想起再用一遍屡试不爽的“攻击、否定改革开放”的帽子呢？
帽子工厂虽尽在尔处，人民却不在你们这边。中华立国千载，公道自在人心。乌有之乡本周日将举办第二次《色·戒》影评沙龙。无良同业们，尽管放马过来罢。
乌有之乡11月11日影评全文见下，与后附南都文略以比较，便知是非：
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批判《色·戒》刺痛了谁？
乌有之乡按：乌有之乡组织的这次《色戒》影评沙龙，看起来是刺痛了某些人的神经，腾讯网转载自南方新闻网的这份《乌有之乡〈色，戒〉观影记》证明了这一点。
为什么这么说呢？从这份《观影记》中，我们看到了刻意的歪曲、恶意的贬损、大有深意的断章取义，惟独见不到一点直面事实的勇气，也见不到任何尊重论辩对手的“自由主义”风格，只看到了深文周纳以制造“文字狱”的高超手法。参加沙龙的各位嘉宾都是身在明处，他们的发言又都早已整理上网，打个电话，点点鼠标就可以校对一下他们发言，为什么不这样做呢？究竟有什么好害怕的呢？有什么不可告人的目的吗？ 因为我们问心无愧，所以我们并不在意这一点。相反，我们愿意和南方新闻网及其相关媒体就“虽然我不赞成你的观点，但我誓死捍卫你发言的权利”这一“自由主义”原则来一个公开的竞赛：我们把腾讯网转载自南方新闻网的《乌有之乡〈色，戒〉观影记》全文上网，南方新闻网及其相关媒体能不能给我们的“《色戒》影评沙龙全文”以同样的待遇？我们让网友们评论一下，谁更自由主义？ 顺便通知一句，不久之后，我们还要就《色戒》举办影评沙龙活动，欢迎南方新闻网及其相关媒体继续派记者采访，希望这一次，你们的记者能够亮明自己的身份，乌有之乡又不是敌占区，有什么必要搞化装潜入，藏头露尾，躲躲闪闪那一套呢？你们的记者来了，我们会把他安置到贵宾席上，向他敬上一杯香茶，绝对尊重的他的采访权，唯一的要求就是如实报道。不仅这一次沙龙活动，以后所有的沙龙活动，我们都欢迎你们采访，只要你们愿意来。
《乌有之乡〈色，戒〉观影记》链接 李安拍《色，戒》被指为汉奸 2007年11月19日08:40 南方新闻网 原文标题：乌有之乡《色，戒》观影记 这是在北京海淀桥附近北京大学“乌有之乡”沙龙上发生的一幕，接下来，博客也参与了论战…… 沙龙上各位专家学者的批判—— 女导演周国瑾：《色，戒》是一部可疑的充满政治隐喻的政治电影。 社科院研究员黄纪苏：《色，戒》这部电影是对中国良家妇女的侮辱。 王小东：一个丑陋的女汉奸张爱玲炮制了一篇充满阴暗和恶毒想象的小说 李楠（南风窗记者）：直斥李安、袁伟时、朱学勤等为“王八蛋”、“走狗”、“汉奸”，他呼吁政府监管部门千万不要像上次对付“袁伟时那篇汉奸文章”一样，“反而会使袁伟时这样的汉奸王八蛋一夜成名” “一方面就应该让片子彻底放下去，树起靶子后，再在《光明日报》《人民日报》上组织文章进行大批判！” 时评员郭松民：色戒类似于思想路线上的一株大毒草（文革的一个比喻，编者注） 祝东力：色戒、以色列民族和中国的自省 汉奸家属张爱玲阴暗心理将郑苹如烈士篡改为可耻变节的暧昧女子王佳芝。中国叛乱省份台湾籍导演李安将《色戒》搬上银幕。这样下去，中国又该要救亡了 北京海淀桥往北五十米，北大资源宾馆3108，传说中的乌有之乡就在这里。 11月11日下午，《色，戒》在北京上映一周后，乌有之乡网站上预告的一场《色，戒》观影兼点评活动在这里举行。 乌有之乡其实是一间规模不大的书社，由北京乌有之乡文化传播有限公司创办，常常举办主题明确的影评沙龙和讲座。经理范景刚的名片背后印着一行字：“有好书，有朋友，有思想，有责任”，可视为该书社的夫子自道。 书社约百来平米的面积，一道玻璃墙从中隔成两部分，靠近走廊一侧的外间是一间书店，靠近窗户约60平米的里间，设有精致的扩音和投影设备，便是观影和讲座的地方。左右墙上均高悬少见的毛主席指示，墙壁后面挂着切?格瓦拉的宣传画，一块“欢迎《恰同学少年》剧组”的红色纸牌，斜倚在靠窗的角落。 和北京城其他经常举办民间讲座的地方如三味书屋等地不一样，乌有之乡的活动大多有身份限制，此次观影活动参加范围要求是乌有之乡会员和学生，进门需出示会员证和学生证，并有专人在门口负责登记。 记者比预定时间提前10分钟到达时，投影仪上正在播《毛泽东的一生》，黑白纪录片里“敬爱的毛主席回到韶山冲”的激越解说声，让人有刹那间恍惚的时空错乱感。 参加者大多是学生模样，中午12点半，人已坐满，准时开始播放《色，戒》删节版，投影效果一般，有人悄悄议论说是盗版碟。2点40左右放映结束，影片评析开始，六位点评嘉宾入场，围坐在投影仪前的主席台，范景刚亲任主持人。 第一个担纲发言的是女导演周国瑾。周是这里的常客，乌有之乡网站资料显示，5个月前红色偶像剧《恰同学少年》剧组在此地的见面会，也由周国瑾主持。应主持人要求，这位女导演以业内人的身份，从专业角度对电影《色，戒》出台的背景做了简单分析，根据对《色，戒》制作班底、资金来源等方面的分析，周得出的初步结论是：《色，戒》是一部可疑的“充满政治隐喻的政治电影”。 坐在嘉宾最正中位置的黄纪苏随后进行了主题发言，一如在六个嘉宾圈里他的座位设置，黄的发言是当天影评会的核心部分。事实上，《色，戒》在内地公映后，黄撰写的一篇著名帖子——《中国已然站着，李安他们依然跪着》，已在网络上流传甚广。除了中国社会科学院研究员、《国际社会科学》（中文版）副主编等显赫身份以外，黄还拥有剧作家等身份，7年前他参与的话剧《切?格瓦拉》曾经引发轰动。 “《色，戒》就是现在医院的皮肤性病科！” 黄的发言，以一个让人稍显费解的比喻开始。他解释，去电影院看这部电影“让他这样的正派人感到耻辱”，好比去医院皮肤性病科看皮肤病，却会被人误认为得了性病。 在再次重复了那篇著名的帖子主要内容后，黄说这部电影给人的感觉是所谓抗日女英雄，总是敌不过男人和女人之间的那点事儿，王桂芝之所以最后爱上大汉奸甚至放走大汉奸易先生，不就是因为给“干晕了”么？黄最后得出的结论是“《色，戒》这部电影是对中国良家妇女的侮辱”。 黄发言时语调不高，常常辅以手势和频率极高的眨眼，看似不紧不慢，但用词考究，似乎不是在说话而是在炼字，相比之下，坐在黄左侧的另外一位与会嘉宾祝东力显然要激动一些。 在黄发言之后，祝接过话筒强调，电影《色，戒》已经远不止是对中国良家妇女的侮辱，而是“对中华民族的侮辱！” 他担心这样下去，中国又该救亡了。祝是中国文化艺术研究院的研究员，在室内依然围着一条围巾的他，看上去像一位“五四”中年。在祝看来，这样的事情根本不可能在国外发生。 “假如这样一部丧心病狂地侮辱以色列民族的影片，竟然通过了以色列国家权威部门的审查，得以在院线公开放映，进而赢得巨额票房，并得到其主流媒体、主流舆论的追捧与喝彩——假如真是这样的话，那么，世人皆可认为以色列是一个下贱的、毫无自尊的民族。不幸的是，影片《色，戒》及其在中国大陆放映的情形，几乎就是如此。” 点评结束后的当天晚上，意犹未尽的祝，在自己的新浪博客上留下了一篇《色戒、以色列民族和中国人的自省》的帖子。 随后发言的嘉宾是时评员郭松民和《南风窗》记者李楠。这两位比较年轻的媒体从业者（按：郭松民已不年轻）从资料分析上挖掘了从李安到张爱玲的思想根源。 军人出身的郭首先回忆起来文革中的一段比喻，觉得色戒类似于思想路线上的一株大毒草，他认为张爱玲身为一个作家，看似清高，其实根本不是一个远离政治的人，他进一步联系上海历史教科书事件，认为《色，戒》的推出，和这些年来“某种不正确的大气候和环境因素”有关，比如历史学者袁伟时、朱学勤就曾提出要推崇全球范围内的制度文明而罔顾其中的殖民因素。 郭的话得首先得到了坐在最左侧的王小东的首先认同， 王认为，“朱学勤这类观点就是18年前某‘黑手’提出‘中国大陆要做三百年殖民地’的观点翻版。”王小东的身份是中国青少年研究中心研究员，在整个会议期间，他始终保持着随时要发言的亢奋态势。 王的话将这次观影活动推向高潮，他不仅赞同郭对张爱玲的分析，更认为《色，戒》女主角王佳芝的原型郑苹如满门忠烈，之所以出现这个“歪曲历史真相”的片子，根子在原著作者张爱玲——张由于自身的汉奸身份，仇视民族英雄郑，更由于自己长得丑（他补充说证据之一是张长时期找不到男朋友，后来只好爱上一个汉奸胡兰成），而嫉恨郑的美貌。 王最后强调他的结论说，“一个丑陋的女汉奸张爱玲炮制了一篇充满阴暗和恶毒想象的小说，来发泄她对美丽的女英雄郑的仇恨”，是《色，戒》之所以能出台的根本原因！ 王的结论引发了听众席的轻微骚动，在随后的提问阶段，一位站在最后排的中年女听众表示完全赞同专家们对《色，戒》的批判，但唯一不同意的是，她坚决认为《色，戒》现在给大家造成的这个印象，其实不是张爱玲的错，是导演李安对张的作品的错误理解。 在接下来的辩论中，女导演周国瑾使话题从责任究竟更多是原著还是电影的争辩往前推进了一步。在分析电影对原著的两处细微改动后，周比较罕见地从李安的创作历史入手，分析得出这次《色，戒》出台其实是一个酝酿了十几年甚至更长历史的阴谋——她认为李安之前所有作品都是处心积虑的伪装，从《饮食男女》到《卧虎藏龙》，目的都是为了这次顺利进入中国市场获得监管部门的信任，为了这最后这一锤子买卖服务。 周随后提议，将这部电影从“政治隐喻”电影进一步定性为“汉奸”电影。 提议得到了与会嘉宾的附议，王小东则进一步质疑，这样的在美国主流院线都得不到放映的限制级“汉奸”电影，为什么就能在中国大陆长驱直入，“那些监管部门都是干什么去了？”王慷慨激昂的话赢得了热烈的掌声。 话题从批判电影和原著过渡到如何追责以后，《南风窗》记者李楠列举了美国的类似事例，认为国外对当事人的处罚都很严历，甚至开除终身教职等，对比之下说明“我们对李安太姑息，实在难以理解！” 一头长发的李，是六位嘉宾里最年轻的一位，但不妨碍他直斥李安、袁伟时、朱学勤等为“王八蛋”、“走狗”、“汉奸”，他呼吁政府监管部门千万不要像上次对付“袁伟时那篇汉奸文章”一样，因为那样效果适得其反，“反而会使袁伟时这样的汉奸王八蛋一夜成名，甚至成为英雄！”。 李认为，“一方面就应该让片子彻底放下去，千万不要禁，树起靶子后，再在《光明日报》《人民日报》上组织文章进行大批判！” 李的发言在嘉宾内部立即引起了争议，研究员祝东力表示李替政府献的这个计用心虽好，但显然对《色，戒》不太合适，他认为电影《色，戒》作为一个危害极大的特例，必须禁止放映和观看，就是要“让李安在名誉上破产的同时，在商业上也遭受重大损失”，因为“我们这个国家和民族必须要有个底线！” 又一位女听众提问，她质疑各位嘉宾既然都看到了危害所在，为什么不在《色，戒》拍摄和进入市场前就反对和制止？ 王小东打断她的话，说很简单，一句话，因为“我们没有金喇叭”，媒体都在他们手里。借助这个问题，王小东持续表达了他的愤怒，他认为之所以主流媒体上根本看不到反对和批判《色，戒》的声音，不是监管部门的原因，而是他们都不愿意登！ 李楠安慰情绪激动的王，说“不要紧，我们还有网络，虽然网络不像传统媒体那样具备象征意义。”他赞同王的看法，觉得媒体不报道反对《色，戒》的声音，是因为每个人心里都有一个自我把关的真理部。 尽管几乎每个听众的提问，都遭遇了所有嘉宾一轮多对一的炮轰式密集回答，一位自称是经贸大学一年级的学生还是站起来提出了他的困惑，他认为之所以造成目前这种局面，可能是国内一直以来对英雄的“高大全”式神话般的宣传，导致大家的逆反心理。 王小东承认有这个原因，因为有关部门一直以来屏蔽了彼此的一些正面形象，即便是宣传自己一方的英雄事迹也有愚蠢的败笔，比如“狼牙山五壮士其实是六个人，还有一个投降了，但我们只宣传了五个人，屏蔽掉了第六个。” 黄纪苏则认为，目前在网络上和年轻人当中流行的一些所谓解构主流和英雄的低俗之风，也是原因之一。所以现在的年轻人一定要知道“在伪君子和真小人之外，还是有真英雄。” 批判会在5点左右结束。当天深夜，祝东力的那篇《色戒、以色列民族和中国人的自省》的帖子，被大多数与会嘉宾不约而同的转载到了各自的博客上。 事实上，这显然也是一场预先设定方向的评片会，立场先于看法。在乌有之乡网站的活动通知上，甚至同时提供了一个名叫《珍惜生命，远离烂片》的《色，戒》影评系列的链接。另外一个佐证是，这场影评会召开之前，一家港媒就以《《色，戒》再掀波澜 影评界批李安给汉奸整容》为题刊登了有关这场影评会的预测性报道。 套用一句烂熟的话，一千个人心中有一千个《色，戒》，当年轻的观众还在对影片中的情色场面品头论足时，知识界已敏感于《色，戒》所表达的历史主题。在此之前，已有宗教团体杯葛《色，戒》，美国电影协会甚至将《色，戒》定为NC-17级，限制17岁以下的人观看。以美国加州为基地的传统家庭促进会，称《色，戒》传播不良意识，呼吁全球华人采取杯葛行动。 但是，这一切无损于《色，戒》受关注。根据最新的数据显示，截至11月6日19时，在某博客网站上以“色戒”为关键字可搜索出相关博客文章150万篇，加上百万博友的众多评论，这一数据已成功打破了还网站网影评数量最高纪录，而这一数据还在以每天10万篇的速度不断增长。 而从11月1日才开始上映的《色，戒》，短短13天已经在内地创造了9000万的票房记录，不管这些心情复杂的人们是否愿意，本周诞生的本年度首部票房过亿元国产大片，很可能就会落在这部充满争议的电影上。 《色戒》只是一部电影，但电影背后，似乎依旧是一个远未脱敏的意识形态话题。就在这个11月，在这场影评会的前一天，距离乌有之乡10公里以外，西长安街侧一家名叫三味书屋的书店里，一场名为《中日关系重新反思》的民间讲座也正在进行，主讲者是来自东京大学的日本退休教授辻康吾。令人稍显意外的是，从包括台湾在内四面八方聚合过来的听众们，情绪激动到当场分化并互相PK起来，以至主办方不得不提前结束这场讲座。 （本文所涉发言内容，未经与会嘉宾本人审阅，不代表本报观点） 希望南方新闻网及其相关媒体纠正断章取义的错误，学习点自由主义，刊登《<色·戒>影评沙龙全文》。 李安拍《色，戒》被指为汉奸 另： 长平：《色，戒》大批判之戒 2007年11月17日09:37 南方都市报 作者：长平 我本来对张爱玲的小说《色，戒》颇有些不以为然，既因为文笔不同于她的大多数小说那样流畅，也因为这个故事观念先行，而先行的观念又有些俗套，不外是“女人是感情动物”之类。但是看过李安的电影《色，戒》之后，我感觉非常棒，认为这是一部了不起的作品。李安在这个故事里升华和添加了很多东西，远远超过人们早先所关注的床戏。从这个意义上说，我非常高兴地看到北京“乌有之乡”书社组织的影片批判会，把这部影片定义为“政治电影”或“汉奸电影”(见11月16日《南都周刊》报道)，因为这样可以激发人们更多的思考。遗憾的是，那个批判会上的发言过分粗鄙和浅陋。 在那个观影会上，有导演分析《色，戒》是一部充满可疑的隐喻的政治电影，而李安以前的电影都是处心积虑的伪装，都只为最后这一锤子买卖服务。有学者认为张爱玲因为自己长得丑还喜欢汉奸，所以仇视长得漂亮的女英雄，电影更是“现在医院的皮肤性病科”，“是对中国良家妇女的侮辱”，进而“是对中华民族的侮辱”，“那些监管部门都是干什么去了？”而一位记者认为，对李安、袁伟时、朱学勤“这样的王八蛋、走狗、汉奸”，政府监管部门不必让他们一禁而成名，而应该“就让片子彻底放下去，竖起靶子后，再在《××日报》《××日报》上组织文章进行大批判！” 如果我们对毫无价值的愤激之言不必介意，努力去寻找其中值得讨论的东西的话，那么最可警惕的是宛如历史重现的“文革”气味。据说这些人自称“左派”，我看不如叫“滥用权力”派。“左派”、“右派”毕竟还是有些理论基础的称谓，但他们的讨论和批判中除了对滥用权力的渴求，看不到一点学术的影子。权力不加制约，左右都很危险。关于“蓄谋已久”的动机分析，关于“国族侮辱”的政治口号，对于党报组织大批判的构想，对于监管部门动用禁令的直接呼吁，都跟正常的讨论没有关系。 也许我们应该把这些言行理解为一种抗议活动。由于公然上街游行抗议的申请很难得到通过，以讨论之名行抗议之实也情有可原。但是任何公共活动，尤其是具有煽动性的言行，应该以诚实为前提。在这场批判中，看起来最有说服力的东西，是一位学者介绍以色列特工摩萨德勇擒“杀人恶魔”艾希曼的故事，从而得出结论说，《色，戒》公映在外国绝对不可能发生。 如果不是过度无知的话，这种说法显然缺乏基本的诚实。演绎敌人、叛徒和刽子手身上的人性故事的小说和电影，古往今来不计其数。有人已经列举了苏联获奖影片《第四十一》，讲的是红军女战士和白匪军官的感情纠葛。最近的有美国导演伊斯特伍德的获奖姊妹片《父辈的旗帜》和《硫磺岛家书》，描写二战中美日惨烈搏杀的硫磺岛战役，前者以美国人的视觉，揭示先辈们树立的典型胜利符号——国旗插上硫磺岛——中的政治谎言，后者从日本人的视觉讲述，对日本军人给予了充分的同情和尊敬。 其实直接描述纳粹人性的电影也有很多，最具挑战性的一部，是在反法西斯胜利60周年纪念前夕，德国导演奥利弗·西斯贝格拿出了温情地反映希特勒人性的《帝国的毁灭》。该电影引起了激烈的争论，但并不妨碍它的公映并获得奥斯卡最佳外语片提名。 关于那位学者提到的摩萨德的故事，则有斯皮尔伯格的《慕尼黑》，说到了摩萨德战士内心的深度困惑。而说到艾希曼的审判，他不应该不知道有一位叫汉娜·阿伦特的犹太学者，当年以《纽约客》记者的身份，写了一系列文章，并在此基础上出版了《耶路撒冷的艾希曼》一书，书中对审判提出了尖锐的批评。她也认为艾希曼被恶魔化了，其实他只是一个平庸的普通人，甚至对犹太人并没有仇恨。她更认为艾希曼犯的是反人类罪，而不是国族色彩和复仇意味浓厚的“反犹”罪，更不能用来作为以色列的政治工具。 不顾事实，只管情绪，把一部电影过度标签化，那么将其定义为政治电影、汉奸电影还是色情电影，并没有什么区别，都是一种盲视。对权力滥用的渴望，则反映了身为学者内心的荒漠。 (作者系南都周刊副主编) 马其昌：最后的长征老兵
“我这辈子最值得怀念的事情，就是二万五千里。”
九十四岁的马其昌用浓重的地方口音絮叨地嘀咕着。他是一名最普通不过的红军战士，从未建立过多么彪炳史册的业绩，但那很大程度上是因为在1930年参加的人生第一场战斗中，手持红缨枪作战的他就被敌人打瞎了一只眼睛，左手大拇指受伤，右小腿骨也从此少了一块，终生致残。虽然如此，马老依旧有着奇特的人生经历：他1928年即开始地下活动、1929年古田会议后就参加红军，参与了历次反“围剿”（包括活捉“江西全省剿匪总指挥”张辉瓒的战斗），是长征中的一名红小鬼、白求恩卫生学校的毕业生、三五九旅的医护人员，还被印度共产党员、著名援华医生科棣华大夫开过眼睛。解放后，他多年休养在家，于1960年退休，此后一直生活在故乡福建省上杭县古田镇。
时至今日，马其昌已经成为古田唯一幸存的，也是全国最后的长征老兵之一。
2007年11月15日我登门拜访马老时，他依然精神矍铄。“不行啦，”马老指指心脏，自嘲地说：“前几年在龙岩医院做的手术，安了起搏器。走也走不大动了，只能每天在街上走走。前几年还去砍毛竹，现在也不砍了。”
二十年前就为马其昌写过自传（见后）的古田会议纪念馆干部陈益元说：马老这是谦虚。那时候他可是要从十多华里外的山上砍毛竹，然后自己抬回来。有一次我跟他去，他把毛竹卸下来，我自己抬都抬不动。他那么大岁数的人……
马老插嘴说：“要劳动啊，不劳动不行啊。我孩子多，离休后长年每月只有一百几十块钱，日子过不好。”他有二子五女，长子六十多岁了，已在长汀退休；一个女儿还下了岗，生活比较困难，多少还需要家里扶持。而马老自己的离休金，直到最近几年才调整为每年4480元（每半年发一次，领2240元）。
“我这辈子没有安乐过。我从小就跟母亲劈柴，参军以后很久就是一个月一块钱，有时还发不到。参加革命，不是简单的啊。不坚强，革命就坚持不了啊。”
这是他在采访当中重复最多的语句。
“我们一起去参加红军的人，有的吃不了苦，就跑回来了，”他说。
我问：“那您为什么没有跑回来呢？”
“我家里穷。工农子弟分子，不会动摇……当然，现在时期不同了。现在时期是……”他笑起来了，摘下墨镜，用他残存0.3视力的右眼看着我。
和多数老年人一样，马老说话也是断断续续的。他唯一能够大段讲述、毫不停息的话题就是长征。“我们穷人家，知道共产党是救天下的，所以我就跟着共产党走，所以我们革命就不动摇，爬雪山、走钢索。雪山草地死了多少人啊！不是一个一个地死，是一百一百地死。人坐在这里，就这个样子，就起不来了，只能都拖到一起埋掉。我自己走到都裤子磨破了，没有穿的，后来经过政治委员批准，才换了一条绿色的裤子，结果还是女同志穿的，我一直穿到解放延安的时候。那时裤子都褪色了，没有一点绿。……长征的那边都是少数民族，没有毛主席的领导，就不可能成功。还是毛主席威信高。他在遵义当了主席以后，一切就不同了。”
谈到如今的发展，马老说：“这几年是比较不错的。对我个人来讲，每年中央都来人到古田，到古田就来看我。”1999年6月21日，当时还是国家副主席的胡锦涛同志第一次来到古田时，曾在古田会议纪念馆外与九位健在的老红军一起合影，马老赫然在列。
“我们参加革命是为了救中国，现在这个目标实现了。不仅实现了，现在其它的国家都来学我们中国的经验了，”他说。
“但我总觉得，历史是不能忘的，革命是不能忘的。”
附： 马其昌（以时）自传（马其昌口述，陈益元笔录于1987年3月，中史俞录入于2007年）
我本姓廖，于1913年农历六月三日出生在上杭县古田镇五龙村。父亲叫廖发立，泥匠出身；母亲是看茶山的。我在四个孩子里排行第三，两个哥哥卖掉了一个，弟弟也被卖掉。我本名廖以时。父母相信算命先生，说我命硬，要过继才能养活。于是我在出生一百天后就被过继到本镇赤水坑村的马屋，改姓马。我的继父早去世了，继母罗金玉当时四十岁，膝下无儿无女，又没土地，靠挑柴卖度日。确实无法生活时，她就到邻近村庄讨饭糊口。
1922年我九岁时，为了谋生，母亲把我送去纸厂学徒。记得当时有句顺口溜：“做纸张张快，年年还老债。”15岁那年（1928年）我学徒出师，暂在本村地主张长祥家里做长工，但还是一心想找个不受气的地方赚吃。村里的几位地下共产党员看我穷，胆子大，人又老实，就动员我参加“打平伙”。所谓“打平伙”，就是到某地开展活动。我的第一次活动是在蛟洋乡森坑村参加的。在秘密会议上，组织分配我完成两件事：一是了解张长祥家里的枪支数量和藏处，二是张贴宣传标语。张家有五支枪，我都偷了出来，送给了游击队。游击队负责人马兆团等人十分高兴。事发后，我假装镇静，也并不离开张家。张长祥虽然怀疑我，但拿不出证据，因此也没再追问。我怕夜长梦多，露出马脚，于是过了一段时间后就离开他家，到蛟洋、步云一带的亲戚家去做活了。
在参加地下活动的第二年（1929年），记得是农历四月十四日的时候，毛泽东、朱德、陈毅等同志率领红四军来到古田。这里的地下党立即组织古田村群众暴动，缴了民团的全部枪支，烧了其正副局长居所及办公楼等三座房子。此后，在红四军留守部队的支持下，古田开始筹备建立区、乡苏维埃政府、农民协会、赤卫队、少先队、儿童团和妇女会。我老家赤水坑属第六乡，这年的九月间就与赖坊成立了乡苏维埃政府，主席赖天新。
同年新历十二月，著名的古田会议在五龙口边的廖家祠召开。我们本地人负责站岗放哨。会议后，我参加了红军，在司令部搞勤务工作。在一次会议上，毛泽东同志说：你们要当红军，是不会升官发财的；要升官发财的就当白军去。从此我更深深感到红军是劳苦大众的军队，也下定了决心，要跟着红军干革命！之后，部队相继经过连城、宁化、归化、石城，并于1930年5月在长汀整编。我被编入红十二军第一大队，军长是从江西吉安保安团起义过来的罗炳辉同志。
整编后，部队从长汀出发，到江西的瑞金兴国。这里的南丰桔子很多，黄澄澄的，十分诱人，但我们红军纪律严明，没有一人去摘。到了江西与湖南隔界的万载县，部队又进行整编。我年龄最小也最矮，排队排在最末尾。支队长问我编到哪里去较好，我说编到与我堂哥马庆立一起。于是，我被编入三支队第九连第九班。
当时上级的口号是“打到南昌九江去，会师武汉”。万载整编后，我们就出发打湖南王家市（现王家祠）。部队很多人都没有枪，用的是大刀、长矛和标。我拿的是红缨枪。记得是湖南军阀到南昌领款，这消息被我们知道了，敌人接款后被我部队围起来打。我的任务是跟连长，做勤务。这一仗消灭了很多敌人，缴获了很多武器弹药，而且尽管战斗十分激烈，但由于有准备，我方伤亡很小。我第一次参加这么紧张的战斗，头部中弹，眼睛被打瞎了一只，右手拇指也被打断，送到湖南小河中医院治疗。在这里，我以坚强的毅力配合医院治好弹伤后（前后不过一个来月的时间），留在红十二军医院历任看护员、看护班长。当时在红军医院任班长的还有江一真同志。
我们的主力部队此时出发打长沙，并在战斗中失利。我所在的三支队指战员大部分壮烈牺牲。
从长沙撤回后，部队又进攻江西吉安。我的伤已经基本好了，于是离开小河，赶到吉安。战斗从下午五点开始，一直到第二天上午九点才结束。吉安城首次获得解放。此后，我们十二军在吉安城休整了一个月。
再之后，我们到横陂整训，学习政治、军事、文化。同时，部队内部也开展整肃AB团的运动。十二军参谋长被定为“AB团”而逮捕，并叫他去军直单位认AB团的成员。他一个一个地认，共认了十多个。古田竹岭村的张增春也被认去。凡被扣上“AB团”帽子的人，日子都是不好过的，严刑拷打，搞逼供信的行为均有。我亲眼看到用烧得通红的火锹去烧所谓AB团员的胸部和背部，硬要他们承认。那惨叫声至今还令人毛骨悚然。
上级党组织在小埔开了一个会，提出“坦白从宽，抗拒从严”。张增春可能是“坦白”较好，被放出来了。放出来后，他天天去架设军用电话线，身上挽着一圈圈铁线。之后，他被编入五军团当连指导员，打仗挺勇敢，在一次战斗中负了伤，伤愈后调到后方医院当政委。在第五次反围剿时，张在战斗中被冲散，跑回家来。听说他回来后仍坚持进行秘密活动，串联了一些苏区时期的老党员、老区乡干部，不料溪背村廖济民向傅柏翠告密，使张被傅手下军队抓到蛟洋马坪里枪毙。他的家在古田的竹岭隔口村。我认为张增春应评为烈士，可现在仍未落实。
1931年春节前夕，我们部队驻在小埔，总结古田会议以来的成绩和经验。会议尚未结束，敌人来进攻。上级号召：先消灭敌人，再回到这里来过年。我自眼睛受伤后再没打过仗，听说有仗打，非常高兴，希望缴一支枪来，这样手里的红缨枪就可以丢掉了。当时子弹很少，上级指示“要节约子弹，一个子弹要消灭二三个敌人”。我们黑夜出发，一路上不准打电筒、不准抽烟、不准咳嗽，天亮前就赶到了古龙岗，把驻在此地的敌人团团围住。我们一边打枪，一边开展政治攻势，宣传红军优待俘虏的政策。最后，敌师长张辉瓒和参谋长被活捉。张辉瓒是个大胖子，走都走不动。我们给他马骑。到了横陂，我们就把他的脑袋砍下，挂在宁都城丁子街示众。蒋介石在南昌说我们活捉张辉瓒是造谣惑众，我们就把张的脑袋装在箱子里，外面写上“交南昌市蒋委员长亲收”的字样，通过木船运到南昌给蒋自己看看。这以后，我们还打了福建建宁、将乐等地的敌人。1931年8月，我们在兴国高新圩跟十九路军打了一仗，敌人死伤惨重，我们在战斗中的供给也很困难，一个星期没有吃饭喝水，只吃一点干粮。
1932年7月，我们十二军在南雄水口遇上广东军阀陈济堂部。正打得紧张，五军团赶来支援。五军团的战士非常勇敢，只穿背心短裤，手持马刀，往敌人营垒猛冲猛杀，敌人抵挡不住，节节败退。五军团指战员象猛虎下山一样，带领部队追赶了四十华里，把敌人打得落花流水。这次战斗缴获了大批迫击炮、机关枪、步枪等武器。
1933年，敌人发动第四次“围剿”，用垒堡政策，步步为营，对我苏区搞经济封锁。我们生活很艰苦，没有盐巴吃。有些商人偷偷从白区运来一些，但价格贵，一块光洋一两盐。我们只好熬硝盐来解决困难。熬硝盐的味道又咸又苦涩，很难吃，但为了打败敌人，取得革命战争的彻底胜利，我们只能硬着头皮咽下去。
三四年敌人发动第五次“围剿”，由于我中央指挥错误，与敌人打硬仗，苏区越打越小，结果只好撤离中央苏区，开始长征。
长征这年的上半年，我在卫生学样附属医院手术室工作，下半年调到中央卫生部第三所任调剂员，跟随中央“红星医”开始长征，出发点是江西省余都县。当时我有病，组织上用担架把我抬入广东境内，随即转出。长征途中，我记得打得最激烈的一仗是在贵阳城外。这一仗，敌人用了大量飞机轰炸、步兵追赶，我们的司务科长被炸晕后过了好几天才回到部队。当时，战场上的树都是没有叶子的，很容易被敌人发觉。所以我们只好在石洞里隐藏，看到敌人攻到前面去了的时候，就立即冲出去给敌人背后一击。我虽然脚伤未好，但仗一打起来，也不觉得了。这天晚上，十二点才找到房子住。整个长征途中，天天都有敌人追赶，小仗天天打，大小战斗三百多次。因为白天怕敌机发现，我们都是黑夜出发，实在看不见了才点火把。有一次，在贵州的一个小村庄，中央机关住了下来。我们刚要吃饭，突然传来紧急通知叫救火。大家一看，不知什么原因失火，全村的草房（也就是村民住房）都烧光了，只好由中央机关来赔偿。
1935年我们到达遵义时，部队都有政治学校、卫生学校，有的学校已经开学了。遵义会议确立了毛泽东主席的领导地位后，毛泽东提出精简无战斗力的人员，机关学校全部解散，到连队去增加枪杆子，增加领导力量。我原在卫生学校，这时就被调到一军团卫生部。从卫生部到桐子县有120华里；我们走了两天才到了这里工作。当时中央的任务本来是到四川发展苏区，但由于张国焘的出尔反尔，我们被迫在四川北部开会，批判张国焘的错误，同时改变计划，选择到陕北。于是大家爬雪山过草地，最后到陕北，与刘志丹的二十五军会师。当时的司令部设在外野埔；我住在永平，政委是一军团卫生部调来的政委易相象。在这里我病了六个月，直到1936年才由永平医院第三所（即第一兵站医院，当时院长为曾有生）调到第二兵站医院。西安事变后，我由第二兵站医院院长、四川人王云林介绍，加入了中国共产党。
1937年抗战爆发时，我在陕西兵站任司药部主任。第二年，我在红军中央卫生学校高级班进修，地点在山阳县尔安保。当时的分队长是我们上杭古田赖子良的叔叔。我毕业后，被分配到一二九师骑兵营，驻在山西太原营泉。我记得还在河边村阎锡山家里住了一夜。不久，中央下达命令：凡后方来的人员，统统回到原部队。所以，我又调回到豆村中央司令部，被分配到晋察冀军区根进医院。太原失守后，我主力部队转移到黄河对岸，我留下来调到游击支队，在平型关附近活动，是游击队里的医生。后来，在五台县成立了晋察冀军区，聂荣臻同志任司令员兼政委。他到卫生部要医生，卫生部说你游击队里就有医生。于是又把我从游击队调到军区卫生部，部长是长汀何田人叶青山，副部长是江西大河人游胜华。
1939年11月12日，在皖县解放下关的战斗中，白求恩在抢救伤病员时手指被伤员的手腕骨割破，造成脓毒症而去世。噩耗传出，全军都十分悲痛。所有部队都参加了追悼会，聂荣臻司令员主持大会并讲话。当他讲到白求恩毫不利己专门利人的动人事迹时，我们都放声大哭。聂司令的讲话，对整个部队既是动员，又是一场十分生动的国际主义教育。当时我想，一个外国人，尚能离开自己的国土和亲人，出生入死地为苦难的中国人做贡献，我作为中国人，作为中国共产党的成员之一，更要不怕牺牲，冲锋在前，把一切都献给党，献给革命。为了纪念白求恩，成立了白求恩卫生学校。当时晋察冀军区组织部长XXX（名字忘记了）在因破伤风去世后，也埋在白求恩坟边，是我送去的。
1940年，我又调到游击军三支队卫生处任处长。不久，又回到晋察冀军区卫生部。
1941年，我被调到白求恩卫生学校学习，属调剂班第一期。毕业后，又转到军医第六期。当时的校长是江一真。在这里学习时，印度共产党派来的著名医生科棣华大夫为我开眼睛，开了以后，判断结果是无法再救。
第二年，我从学校毕业，调到北方分局疗养院任副院长兼医生。此后一段时间，我调到挺进军，驻在猪马河边。不久，又调回晋察冀军区卫生院医政科兼医生，部长还是叶青山，直到1944年。
1945年，我们挺进军和晋察冀军区两个单位的老弱病残转移到延安。途中经过山西人五县摩天岭死口凹时，被日本人包围，行装全部丢失。当时挺进军一个叫黄明的组织干事对我说，我们会寒死饿死在路上，邀我到日本人管辖的人五县去，我不同意。我说，我尽可以讨饭给他吃。最后还是谁也没有去，一行人果真都讨上了饭，一讨饭就讨到了水德县司令部（司令员徐向前）。休息时，我把情况向组织汇报。组织上要我千方百计把黄明搞到延安去。此后，经过不知多少的寒风雨雪，我们这批人终于到了延安。组织上安排我在枣园下的半山上休养所休养了三个月。整风时黄明到了劳改队。他确实是有问题的，不久就在飞机场边的宝塔下面桥下钻冰窑自杀了。
休养结束后，我被调到十八集团军总兵站工作，地点在七里辅，当门诊部主任。这期间，毛主席身边的苏联医生阿洛夫在中央医院向组织建议，把犯人的眼睛挖出来给我装上。我知道后对组织部长胡耀邦说：我是共产党员，如果这个犯人是不要杀头的一般犯人，把他眼睛挖了，被外界群众知道了影响不好。胡耀邦同志听我说了后，立即站起来握着我的手说：“以时同志，你说得对。”此后不久，三五九旅的同志到西石场时看到我，叫我去三五九旅工作。我说这要经过组织部长，于是那位同志就去找胡耀邦。胡耀邦同志说：马以时（我的原名）是病加残疾，会增加负担。该同志说，不怕负担。耀邦同志就同意了。当时的中央组织部设在杨家岭。我的眼镜是联防司令部和组织部批准配给的。我去三五九旅后，任医政科科员兼医生，院长是广东人，叫李华清，旅长是王震同志，政委是上杭才溪的刘忠同志。
不久大军南下，王震带第一批部队，刘忠带第二批。最激烈的是平阳府一仗，我方有两个旅：三五九旅和军一旅。刘忠带病在马背上指挥。这一仗我们没取得胜利，丢了大炮，处境困难。相隔不几天，在洛河又打一仗。我们正在过河，当地人受反动派宣传，十分蛮，不让我们过。我们强行要过，结果过了一半才发现水很深。这时天还未亮，军一旅在前冲，我们三五九旅打掩护。我们根据突如其来的情况，立即退出来与当地阎锡山和日本的军队打，一直坚持到下午四点多钟才撤走。回来后，部队到新安县，过了黄河又决定打孟县（洛阳河边上，龙海路这边）。打下孟县后，部队缴获了大批物资，并在此休整了一个月。这时已是中秋。农历八月十五这天，中央命令我们到东北去接受交通要道。刚刚走了一百里，到了帷庆县山下村时，部队决定把我们这些有病的伤员留下来，由县政府安排在清河支队医院休养。清和支队是国民党起义过来的部队，情况十分复杂，我不敢久留，就回到县城外的县府休养。县城有两个敌军头子，一个叫李德基，另一个叫李瑞基。其中一个是国民党工兵营长出身，把城墙修得很牢固，三丈八尺高，四个城门下也都挖了很深的水沟。要解放这个县城时，县长李盘（李德基的堂兄弟）要求我们三五九旅的同志协助成立四个工作队，每个城门一个。我是南门工作队长。我军从水沟下挖土洞，不到桌般高就是水。用棺材装炸药，但水太多，炸药太湿，好几次都没炸成功。最后东门先被炸开，国民党军官人肉横飞。李德基被打死后，我们把他的尸体在东门城墙上展览了一天；李芮机从西门跑了。我们南门工作队负责打扫战场。这次战斗整个打了两个月。最后，我们组织街委会，开展各项活动，正在庆祝胜利时，刚好传来毛主席、周总理到重庆谈判胜利归来的消息。于是在这里的工作结束后，我就奉命到大军区去过年了。
1946年农历年初三、初四、初五三天，太岳军区用驴子送我到太行山军区。我到了太行军区后，要求军区领导护送我回到已在北的三五九旅去。领导说上级有交待，不能走。于是我奉命留在太行军区卫生部第三所任所长，地点是湖阳河及城镇一带，隔壁是洪洪煤矿。我在这里与北京人、医院护士董秀珍结了婚。
四七年起，部队转移到兴台、寒带。因随时要打大仗，组织上安排我等病残人员到后方去。我被安排在长治县兵工局（政委赖际发）的西达兵工厂。第二年（1948年）调到山西五香县工厂，后又调到古县们铁厂。中华人民共和国即于此时成立。
全国解放后，我受组织委派，到山西太原北门外的修造厂接管工作。这个厂原来是阎锡山办的，厂长是他的儿子。不久，赖际发把我调到由他负责的华北企业局，想成立一个医院，要我去筹建，还给了我一个秘书。我不要。我说：我是被领导惯了的，不会管人家。于是不久就把秘书退给组织。
这一年，我因已有二十多年没有回家，全国形势又开始好转，就提出请假回福建，把老母亲接到北京去。赖际发与张鼎承主席商量后，张发电报给我，叫我干脆回福建工作。赖际发局长也同意了。我办好移交手续后，赖发到财经委员会，又到政务院、内务部，最后经过中央组织部同意。可我虽在内务部办了手续，还不能回福建，仅办理到华东局，而华东局又留我在上海工作。我说张鼎承主席要我回福建，最后华东局才让我走。
回福建时，我取道江西上饶，坐装粮车，经建阳、建瓯，坐船到福州，坐在老省政府。因当时漳州形势较紧张，还要打仗，组织上就派我到漳州专员公署，负责卫生科，兼任没收外国人财产委员会主任。我因自己与爱人董秀珍的身体都不好，早就经钱信忠批准休养，于是我俩都很少工作，漳州地委书记丁乃光也用组织上的行政命令叫我休息。但我们觉得，同志们工作都很紧张，我们怎么能就在这里安心休息呢？于是提出回家乡休息。但回乡后也没有歇得。上杭县县长李一清知道我回来后，邀我去县卫生科工作。我当时想不通，但又想到自己是党员，组织叫我去，我就应去。我才在那里工作不久，地委组织部长王定华就来电，要我两天内赶到组织部报到。后来，我被分配到连城县卫生科工作，一直到1960年12月。在连城工作期间，我曾于58年7月、59年4月两度调省委党校学习。
1960年12月，我因身体不好，在古田镇退休。由于本人文化低，身体又因战致残，组织上已多次关心照顾。我衷心感谢组织，在任何情况下都不向组织伸手要什么东西。作为老红军、老党员，我应该保持革命晚节，把优良传统继续发扬下去。
一九八七年三月 November 21 On the road in GutianAs I wander about the freshly renovated site group of the Gutian Conference, nearly a hundred primary school children shouted and danced here and there in the historic Hakka complex inside which the meeting was held. Outside, the original Red army chalk writings of “Protect schools” on the side of the wall have stood the test of time. On my side was Fu Qisheng, head of the site group, smiling with pride in his eyes. What a scene.
To see school kids around this largest cultural project in Fujian, once the hub of the Chinese Revolution and now an economic powerhouse, is such a pleasure, says Fu. – Rightly so, I thought. Even only for the sake of the unnamed Red army solider – codenamed 05 – who wrote those words on the walls, and who almost for certain sacrificed his life later on, the kids should be here.
Grown-ups in China would know much more about this sacred land of the Revolution. The conference resolution passed in these traditional residences in 1929 formed the indispensable organizational core of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and its army in the decades that followed. Most Chinese have heard a myth or two about the early revolutionaries’ life and work here, and even today, many have come to worship.
That level of publicity has kept Fu busy day and night. But the Xiamen University history major finds delight in the work and opts to dedicate his spare time to further improving the site. In that he has done well. Between 1964, when a museum was established nearby and 2003, only the conference site was adequately protected. From then on, however, tens of millions have been invested toward making the entire site group a tourist attraction and a base for patriotic education.
“We didn’t fully extract the sites’ potential before 2003,” said Fu. “Many historic sites, also important relics of the Hakka culture, were occupied by local residents and used for raising pigs and the like. Then in 2003, a massive renovation program was launched with 13 million yuan earmarked by Longyan city. About 1.1 million was spent in buying the 1,100 sq m of sites in which locals lived.”
In 2005, a second round of renovation began with a 50 million yuan investment, excluding the 100-million-yuan Gutian-Pingpu expressway, which is under construction and soon due to be completed, with a focus on road building and a scientific management of the sites. Now, renovation has entered a third stage, where the emphasis is on the integration and protection of the entire site group district.
Fu is not worried about finances, as the museum receives a 1.2 million yuan annual subsidy from the city and another 800,000 yuan from ticket sales; his only concern is manpower. “There are 10 guides and 35 formal employees in total, who have 24-7 workloads and are paid at 1,600 yuan per month. But we’ve added ten sites from previous years, nine of which require security personnel.”
“And so, we’ve recruited 22 temporary workers among locals at 1,000 yuan a month, but many qualified individuals are more inclined to work in larger cities.”
Ultimately, Fu said admission to the sites should be free to all because “the social influence of this place is much wider than the economic benefits” that can be drawn. Hunan’s provincial museum, he says, is one such model, but the museum is allocated 30 million yuan every year.
“A strange thing about our site is, we’re not dependent on visitors organized by travel agencies like the other Red scenic spots; there’re many spontaneous visitors by car. The majority of them come from Xiamen city and Guangdong province. That is, people in the developed regions are not oppositional to revolutionary traditions, as some have often imagined. In our case, things are precisely the reverse.” November 20 转王小东博文。我没什么需要补充的王小东就电影《色戒》答纽约时报记者问
这是我凭记忆写下的。因为我没有录音，所以，虽然刚刚过去一个多小时，我也不能保证都是原话，但大致意思是不会错的。
纽约时报记者（女性）：前一段时间电影《色戒》在中国大陆热映，一开始的反响都很好，可最近突然出现了一些不和谐的声音：先是有博士要起诉《色戒》的被删节，后来又有一群大学生写信给广电部，要求禁掉《色戒》。我们看到了你在乌有之乡的发言，所以想请你谈谈对于《色戒》的看法。
我：我是参加了乌有之乡的讨论会，但我还没有看到你看到的那份对于我的谈话的记录。 记者：我给你念念。比如说，你说张爱玲之所以诬蔑郑萍如，首先是出于汉奸婆对于抗日英烈的阴暗心理，更主要的是出于一个丑女对于美女的阴暗心理（笑）。 我：我是说这也是一个原因，但并没有说“更”。 记者：你指责当局为什么不禁掉《色戒》。 我：这我就绝对没有说。恰恰相反，我说我认为让《色戒》放映是一件好事，否则我们还没法子批判它呢。 记者：我们也采访了很多观众，大家都认为《色戒》这部片子艺术上不错。从故事情节说，它讲述一个抗日志士爱上了一个汉奸，对于这种人性的表达应该宽容。你能谈谈你对于《色戒》的个人感受吗？ 我：艺术上的事情不同的人有不同的口味。我只能说一说我观察到的现象。比如说，据一些去看了《色戒》的人讲，很多人看了一半就看不下去，中途退了场——倒不是因为什么政治观点的问题，主要是感觉电影非常沉闷，故事情节不知所云（补充说一点，就我自己而言，我原本是抱着一定要认真看一看这部电影的决心去看的，但放映途中还是睡着了）。 至于它的故事情节，我想说，如果它只是一般地讲一个抗日志士爱上了一个汉奸，我也未必会如此愤怒—我要说，我非常愤怒—但它诬蔑、糟蹋的是郑萍如，一个真实存在的抗日英烈，这位女烈士根本就没有《色戒》中所说的那种情况。我发现，这一点是很多赞赏《色戒》的观众至今不甚了了的要点。 事实是，在皮衣店一击不中之后，郑萍如又携带手枪去76号总部刺杀汉奸头子丁默村，这才被捕。更何况，郑萍如一家满门忠烈。她的未婚夫和哥哥都是中国空军飞行员，为国捐躯；她的父亲，有一种说法是日伪当局开出条件，只要他能够出任汪伪政权的司法部长，就可以饶他女儿不死，但他拒绝了，在女儿就义两年后，郁郁而终；她的母亲，日本名门武士之后，在这样的时刻，站在了她的丈夫和女儿一边，拒绝了日本人要她劝降。 我看到郑萍如这样的满门忠烈，又看到了今天，张爱玲、李安对于她的污蔑，以及主流媒体的一片叫好声和大众的冷漠，心中非常难过。我们不能要求每一个人都能像郑萍如这样，也许我自己也做不到，但我们最起码应该尊敬郑萍如这样的人，应该感恩——我们今天之所以能够坐在这里说东道西，是因为有像郑萍如这样千千万万的烈士为我们做出了牺牲，我们至少应该感恩。
如果说《色戒》在客观上做了什么好事的话，那就是它让千千万万的人—包括我自己—知道了郑萍如。在中国的抗日战争中，有无数像郑萍如这样的英烈，我们本应对他们感激不尽，引他们为自豪，但由于后来的内战，他们的名字没有得到彰显，这是我们民族的伤痛。 在这里，我想问问美国或英国的读者，如果美国或英国有这样一个女英雄——我知道英国有，但不清楚美国的情况——在和纳粹德国作战时，为了完成任务而英勇牺牲，而今天，好莱坞拍了一部片子，说这位女英雄被纳粹军官强奸得叫了床，于是便出卖了自己和自己的同志，而主流媒体，比如说你们《纽约时报》，却是一片叫好声，美国或英国的公众会怎么想，怎么反映？他们也只是在那里津津有味地欣赏电影中的色情镜头，或冷漠无声，没有一个人出来说话？如果是这样，我会认为美国人或英国人很下贱，因为他们不懂得什么是对，什么是错，不懂得什么是忠，什么是奸，不懂得什么是高尚，什么是卑劣，不知道感恩。所以，我在乌有之乡的发言中曾说到，我今天到这里来，是来尽作为一个人，一个人类中的一员的责任，我尽得很不够，今天来多少尽一点，我也要告诉这个世界，在中国，不是每一个人都那么下贱，在中国，不那么下贱的人还没有死绝！我也想以此告慰一点英雄在天之灵，安慰一点英雄在地之眷属：在中国还有人认你们，有人感你们的恩。 这一切，都和宽容不宽容，言论自由之类的事情没有关系。我们根本就没有不宽容别人的权力。恰恰是别人不宽容我们，是我们的声音在媒体上得不到表达。 记者：王先生很激动。我知道，好像是郑萍如的妹妹，在美国要起诉《色戒》，认为这部电影诬蔑了她的姐姐。但有人说这部电影说的并不是郑萍如，和郑萍如没有关系。 我：你看看龙应台的文章，他们自己说这部电影的原型就是郑萍如的故事。 记者：可李安在电影中也讲了爱国青年抗日的事迹。 我：李安在电影中又是怎么看这些爱国青年的抗日事迹的？他把这些爱国青年都表达成为傻瓜，而女主角王佳芝因为阴道的快感就叛变了。是的，张爱玲和龙应台都反复提到阴道的话题，有人称之为“阴道主义”，而李安则以色情片的手法将其表现出来。这是在讲爱国青年的抗日事迹吗？恰恰相反，它想说的是，世界上没有什么比阴道的快感更值得为之牺牲的东西。抗日？那是傻瓜们干的事情，而这些傻瓜禁不住更成熟、更风度翩翩的汉奸三、两下fuck。张爱玲、李安、龙应台这些人，他们自己除了下三路什么都不认，他们就非要把其他不这样的人都拉下来，拉到腐臭的阴沟里和他们一起滚，这是最卑劣的心理阴暗。 记者：我很奇怪，中国的主流媒体，如电视啊、报纸啊，都很讲爱国，这次怎么会反其道而行之呢？ 我：你的这个感受不对。在中国的媒体上，爱国主义和民族主义早就荡然无存了。这固然和我们民族所犯的错误有关：有那么一段时间，中国人非常爱国，愿意为国贡献，但却没落着好。但我们不能因为这么一段错误就永远在腐臭的阴沟里打滚，自己糟践自己。 记者：王先生，占用了你的宝贵时间，非常感谢。 我：不要客气。 On the road in GuangzeThe household representatives system is no doubt a telling case of China’s grassroots democracy – the days spent in researching across eight villages in three counties throughout Nanping city confirmed this. Thanks to the homegrown innovation, villagers are actively engaged in the everyday affairs of democratic – and to a large extent, autonomous – governance. Even the problems that have come with it are, as I argued earlier, “issues on the path of progress” in their own eyes.
Yet for me, the surprising fact amidst all this is how it stemmed from Guangze County, a most unlikely candidate. True, that the system began in Nanping is itself shocking enough. After all, Nanping is among the least developed cities in the coastal Fujian province; its scale of economy and living standards are nowhere near the prosperity of metropolises of Xiamen and Quanzhou, and hardly on par with even the more inland towns.
But look at Guangze. This county of 160,000 people lays its every hope on Sunner Group, which claims to supply chicken to all KFCs in China south of the Yangtze River. The corporation is based on the outskirts of Guangze and has recently built a hotel – where I stayed – at the far corner of the county’s only road.
Wherever this road leads, the place is a mess. Guangze’s downtown is an eye-shaped design that begins with a fake Cashbox KTV. Government agencies, stores, restaurants and a few obsolete residences occupy the upper eyelid, while the lower is “where decent people don’t go” – or so I was told by kindhearted locals.
Either way, a 10-minute walk from the KTV would get you to the other side of town. What people here call a square, but is at best a playground, lies there. A number of swings and slides rest atop the bare 400-meter cobbled road. When night falls, one sees but the murk neon lights of a foot massage center to the side of the playground and hears no more than the distant voices of the local radio station.
“That’s our partner,” said my guide Dong Chunchao, a 17-year-old TV broadcaster intern and a hometown fellow from Jilin City of the northeastern Jilin province. Her school back home has assigned her here for almost half a year now in this county, where there is no direct bus to any larger city except through Shaowu, a bordering town.
“I’ve had to go very far each Sunday for Church,” the young Christian said. “The town’s creepy. A massive graveyard has just been built minutes away from downtown, in a place expected earlier to become a prime site of real estate. The cemetery has scared developers away.”
Dong has big ambitions to be a national broadcaster, and yet here she is in a small town where she barely needs to be on air once every two weeks. She isn’t too fond of Guangze. But if only she has explored the countryside here, I thought to myself, she might come to share my views and appreciate this place in a much fuller way. November 19 On the road in Wangfen: a dedicated Party chiefNANPING: Liu Yueming wasn’t born to be a rural cadre. At age 20, he was a straight-A college graduate in Fuzhou, the provincial capital, with a degree in electrical engineering. “I applied for and was accepted by a number of universities in Quebec, Canada, but my parents said it’s very cold there and that it’s best that I stay home. So I did,” he said.
And now, 13 years later, he finds himself in Wangfen village, not far from his native Nakou Township in the northern mountainous regions of Fujian province. “Come to think of it, I’m destined to do this job here,” he said.
The young man had been director of Nakou’s government office for years before being promoted last May as deputy head of Hongdun Township, to which Wangfen belongs. He knew of and supported the sent-down cadre program, but was reluctant when he heard he was going to be stationed in Wangfen on a last-minute reassignment.
Outsiders may not understand what Wangfen really meant. “Right after the elections last year, the elder brother of the village head-elect treated me for dinner. I thought he was going to ask for a looking-after of his young bro, but what he said was: ‘let him step down, will you please? Those who have been in this position are all doomed, and their reputation done with,” Liu recalled.
“One night a while later, I came back to town from the village, hungry and exhausted. I popped into a nearby restaurant and asked for some fried rice. The owner said there wasn’t any. I didn’t believe her and went straight into the kitchen, where I found a basin full of rice and a refrigerator filled with noodles. I was upset and asked her what all this was about. She asked me if I were the new Party chief of Wangfen. I said yes. She replied: ‘Very well, we don’t sell to Wangfen Party chiefs. They never paid.’ And it’s only a six-yuan bowl of fried rice!”
“I wasn’t going to let people look down on Wangfen,” Liu said. “Since I’m here, I ought to make the best of what I can to change things.”
He certainly did, but with great sacrifice too. Liu’s family is separated in four different places throughout Nanping: his father in Jianyang county, mother in Nakou, wife and three-year-old child in Shaowu county, and himself in Wangfen. “I didn’t even go back home for mid-autumn. Over here, people’s concept about time is different. I often get phone calls at 3 o’clock in the morning, asking for help. It’s a very hard job, but a rewarding one too,” Liu smiled. “I look forward to the next two years – things can’t be any worse than last year, can it?” On the road in Nanping: sent-down cadresNANPING: Liu Yueming knows it all. None other than his experience better informs the significance, achievements as well as challenges of the cadre sent-down system, a major innovation in Fujian province aimed at developing the countryside and promoting social harmony.
Since 2000, 1,600-plus cadres from the province’s Nanping city and its subordinate towns and counties have been stationed in its villages, each for a three-year term. Liu is among the third and latest round.
Even now, the 33-year-old Party chief of Wangfen village remembers so vividly every little detail of what happened last July 25. In the middle of a citywide farewell party for him and the other sent-down cadres, he was completely caught off guard when a phone call from a Wangfen resident disrupted the atmosphere and said about 200 villagers were about to go for a collective petition. “Don’t come,” the voice said, “we don’t need you.”
Without even a bite of lunch, Liu rushed to the site. It wasn’t his first time in the village – he had been in Wangfen for a while since July 1, when a get-to-know-each-other session was organized for the sent-down cadres and villagers. “To be honest, my first impression was ‘why me’ – I wasn’t supposed to be here,” he recalled. “I was relocated because the one who was assigned simply refused to come.”
Liu had reasons to panic. Most cadres were sent down to villages that were neither rich nor stable, but Wangfen topped all else. The 1,600 residents in this village of 22 sq km had no access to tap water and cable television, no streetlights, and no roads since the 1970s. “We felt so miserable walking on those muddy roads,” said 61-year-old villager Liang Jiaqing. “They would dry up only after over ten days of rain.”
People here had to rely on “the four treasures” – buckets to carry river water, flashlights to avoid pits and snakes at night, obsolete tractors for transportation and TV receivers to connect with the world outside.
When Liu arrived, only two of the seven local Party and villager committee members came to meet him. The rest, whose wages fell behind over a decade, fled and were nowhere to be seen again. The village head was elected in 2003 but impeached two years later for fund misuse and embezzling residents’ share of forests. The sent-down Party chief before him, meanwhile, bought out of the village and went elsewhere. Even the committee offices were locked down by villagers and used for storage. “What have I gotten myself into?” He thought to himself.
Time was running short for Liu – elections were scheduled within a month and a half of his arrival in this what some say “goddamned” village. But Liu never backed down. He did not rest during the day and gave up most of his nights and weekends visiting people’s homes to discuss about their concerns as well as researching on the mountains and in the fields. “This changed our perception about him,” said Chen Shuifu, 55. “We realized that he didn’t come with selfishness.”
Liu became the first local Party chief who received all votes from the village Party members. “He drank a bowl of beer with each of the 35 voters and rested for 35 days afterwards,” Chen laughed. Six others, each in their mid-30s, were also voted as members of the Party and village committees. Roads were the most upfront concern for the new crew. “The former Party chief promised to build four roads but did nothing; Liu was for real,” said Liang. “He began in less than 20 days.” Within months, four cement roads, covering ten of Wangfen’s 12 villager groups, were built with nearly two million yuan lobbied from higher-level governments and another 400,000 yuan from local residents. “Liu himself donated thousands to the roads although his own earnings were low,” Liang said. “We know.”
Before long, the village witnessed the completion of a 2.3-kilometer penstock, the erection of streetlights, establishment of education subsidies and minimum allowance schemes, implementation of the household representative system, creation of two community centers, and a sharp rise in the area of tobacco fields – foundation of the local economy – from a little over 600 mu (99 acres) last year to 900 mu (148 acres) today. Tap water, too, will be available to each local household by December.
“The Wangfen people had been tired of elections because those we elected proved all the same each time,” said Liang and 70-year-old Sun Mingli. “Liu changed that. Without the sent-down cadre system, we’d never have had the chance to receive help and be offered hope on this scale.”
“It would be a pity to see Liu leave in two years, but cadres like him deserve to be put to better use in higher positions. Also, a new generation of local cadres has already been nurtured during the past year, so his legacy will be carried on after he is gone.”
One morning earlier this year, Liu woke up and opened the door at his township residence as usual, only to find a large jute bag “filled with something” on the ground. “I thought it must have been a local curse or an abandoned child; I was so frightened that I almost didn’t dare open it. And when I did, there was but a huge watermelon inside. It was a gift from the villagers. They didn’t want to wake me so early,” he said.
It isn’t just Wangfen that has changed. Until now, at least one higher-level cadre in Nanping has been stationed in each of its 1,600 villages. “Things began with the Great Flood in 1998, after which 3,000 city cadres were sent to villages for research on rural reconstruction,” said Chi Yiming, a division head with Nanping’s organization department. “We found that peasants longed for technical assistance. So in 1999, a first batch of 225 science & technology supervisors were sent down to some villages to do precisely that.”
“The supervisors received exceptionally warm reviews. Inspired by this, the city decided to implement the sent-down cadre system in June 2000 to deal with the rising issues of village unrest, peasant-cadre tensions and rural sects. It is safe to now say that the system has been a success.”
“Indeed, there have been cases where cadres are recalled by the city or expelled by the local people – but they are a very rare minority. Most have done well and contributed their share to the national construction of the new socialist countryside through recognizing their own individual value,” Chi said.
Liu, too, presented his compliments. “It’s a very good system – personally, it both allows room for a deeper understanding of the very peasants at the grassroots of China and informs me of what I am capable of doing. It has made me a more complete human being and this village a more connected place.” November 18 文如其人：十七岁的张春桥，三十五岁的闻一多，四十三岁的胡适1934年，张春桥中学毕业。当年7月6日二卷二期的《新诗歌》上，录了一首他的新诗，题为《失业的人》。这是扑面而来的苦难： “娘，娘，别哭啦，你还能哭回爹爹吗？” 我说飞毛腿那小子也真够蹩扭， 比之这二位，近年来徒孙遍地的胡适也创作过一首乾隆体的《人力车夫》，果然文如其人，“大家风范”，汉奸过客扭捏作态的怜悯，一点不差，跃然纸上： 回到北京，马不停蹄诸多庞杂琐事，均需一一处理。昨夜虽乏，但点点滴滴，无不平静而美好。天下之大，皆不如此。 November 16 On the road in Longyan: crouching tigersLONGYAN: As mysteries surrounding the authenticity of photographs that could confirm the existence of the reportedly extinct wild South China tiger continue to escalate, Huang Zhaofeng finds himself impressed.
“Theoretically speaking, it doesn’t make much sense to release false news (about the tiger),” the 40-year-old said. “And the fact that it has attracted attention for the species is a good thing by any standard.”
A field expert for over two decades, Huang is deputy head of Fujian province’s Longyan Meihuashan South China tiger breeding & wild-naturalizing research center, the only such institution in China.
His center, a mere 500-mu (33 hectares) site atop the subtropical Meihuashan natural reserves region, was set up in 2000 by Longyan city and is home to 13 South China tigers.
The poverty-struck city has invested 30 million yuan ($4 million) since the program was launched in 1998 without any financial input from the State Forestry Administration (SFA), said Huang.
“Our first tigers, two male and one female, were from the Suzhou zoo (in Jiangsu province). Ten have been bred so far since 2003, with a 70 percent success rate as compared to the average 50 percent in zoos,” he said.
Huang said the three tigers were afraid of even chickens when they first came in. In contrast, their six first-generation offspring and four second-generation ones have shown tremendous improvements; the latter are already capable of capturing wild boars on their own.
What has been done is foundational for returning the big cats to nature, which Huang believes will take at least 10 to 20 years. “They are still living in captivity. Ideally, each tiger should live in a small ecosystem of 30 to 50 square kilometers. Our area is far smaller, but Meihuashan at large both satisfies natural conditions for a massive expansion and boasts a fame as ‘the tiger’s nest’ among local residents,” he said.
But significant work remains. “Each extra kilometer of infrastructure requires one million yuan ($134,707) – this is not to mention the maintenance, food and labor costs,” Huang said.
The institution has only four employees, including Huang himself.
China’s state-initiated protection of South China tigers began in 1995. But a decade into the effort has only seen an increase of ten more tigers in its zoos and natural reserves, from 54 in 1995 to 64 in 2006. Today, the Longyan center is the only place where the species are still capable of breeding aside from the Shanghai and Suzhou zoos, said Huang.
“This has to do with inbreeding. All the 64 descend from two males and four females captured in the 1950s and 1960s. With that in mind, if there really were South China tigers in Shaanxi and if we could capture it to interact with the zoo tigers, tremendous progress will result for the species’ genetic diversity and its preservation.”
No wild south China tiger has been captured since the 1970s, although wild populations were officially estimated in 1990 at around 20 to 30 in Fujian, Guangdong, Hunan and Jiangxi provinces. In 1999, the SFA offered a 300,000-yuan award for Huang’s center to capture one in Meihuashan, but to no avail.
The public was intrigued by a digital photograph released by Shaanxi’s forestry department on October 12, which purportedly proves the existence of a wild South China tiger in the northwestern province.
Many netizens as well as some experts have come to suspect the authenticity of the photo, taken by 52-year-old peasant and ex-hunter Zhou Zhenglong on October 3.
The published photo was allegedly chosen from 71 digital and film photos Zhou took, but none of the remaining 70 pictures, nor any further evidence, has been released to date. Meanwhile, the SFA has already sent a group of experts to investigate the case.
The South China tiger is listed among the world’s ten most endangered animals. November 14 On the road in Nanping: breathing new life into rural medical careNANPING: Huang Xiao’e has the rural cooperative medical scheme (RCMS) to thank. Otherwise, she would neither have the money for her lower stomach operation nor the energy to go on a two-hour bus trip to a hospital in the city.
With her husband on the side, the peasant now lied quietly in a room in the township hospital near her Dunzhou village in the northern part of Fujian province. Under the RCMS, she saved 65 percent of her medical expenses here compared to treatment in city hospitals.
The RCMS, which already incorporates over 90 percent of the nearly 2 million peasants like Huang in Nanping city, has benefited not only villagers themselves, but also township hospitals in the area, which were close to the verge of collapse until the scheme was introduced.
According to Cai Zhongmu, deputy head of the Nanping health bureau, each of the city’s over 120 township hospitals, mostly built in the 1960s and 1970s, had an average of 12 to 15 employees and only 100,000 to 200,000 yuan ($13,452 to $26,905) worth of medical equipments. Almost all hospitals fell behind with employee wages. No one bothered to work, less cared to come.
“A typical vicious circle,” he said.
Things have changed since the implementation of RCMS, however. A peasant only needs to pay 10 yuan ($1.3) annually to take part in the program, which encourages them to choose nearby medical institutions instead of city hospitals through much higher reimbursement rates and expanded services. Township hospitals have been revitalized as a result, said Zhou Dongwei, health bureau chief of Nanping’s Shaowu prefecture.
The popularity of RCMS offered the basis for further official support measures. This includes both the provincial government’s decision to fully finance the renovation of 100 township hospitals every year, and its 2005 document that required every city-level government agency to donate a fixed number of medical equipments to one or two township hospitals on an annual basis.
“This of course isn’t a long-term solution, which must prioritize the sustainable development of rural medical talents. Policy and financial incentives should be drafted so as to attract homegrown talents working in the cities to migrate back to the countryside,” said Ying Bin, head of Nanping’s Yanping district.
Cai agrees. “What we have now are still oriented towards short-term concerns, which is why inconsistencies are natural. Even some of the supporting agencies themselves need support, and the city doctors are not sent down in accordance with their fields of expertise. An anesthesia doctor, for example, was sent to a township hospital that doesn’t even perform operations.”
“But essentially, the central government’s policy inclinations and these concrete measures of ours have already transformed township hospitals – at the heart of China’s medical network – from a moneymaker to a service provider,” he said.
“They will experience a qualitative change in another five to six years.”
Yao Wenying, a hospital chief in the remote Taqian Township, is also convinced of this view. “We’ll see even better days with the further implementation of the RCMS,” she said. On the road in Guangze: household rep1. Picture yourself as an average Joe in a remote Chinese village that just netted some handsome bucks and is faced with a question of what to do with the money. What’s your first pick – building roads to connect your community to others, or fiber optic networks for your cable television? Luo Zhengtang said no to the roads in July 2002, and is proud of his decision even today.
“The roads didn’t make sense for us at the time,” the 53-year-old tobacco and rice farmer said on behalf of the 31 households in his Lower Daqing villager group in Daqing village of the eastern Fujian province. “It was obvious that they would only benefit a handful of people living near the construction site. What about the rest of us?”
“Our biggest problem was communication. A fiber optic network would be for the sake of us all,” Luo told China Daily in the same tone he spoke with village cadres in 2002, when Daqing had sold over 200 mu (13 hectares) of forest, and a villager representative meeting decided to use the 230,000-yuan ($31,031) earned for road building.
Luo and most others in the village were furious. “There were only two or three dozens of villager reps here; they can’t represent 1,600 people,” the residents complained. Household instead of villager representatives went to the village committees and argued with the local leadership. What was to be done?
As a result, all household representatives were summoned for a vote, and in the end, their votes counted. The optic fiber networks were built, and road construction followed.
Hence gave rise to the household representative system, whereby villager groups, or rural communities (also known as “natural villages”), formed the basis of administrative affairs. Daqing became the first pilot site after the 2002 incident. By 2004, all 85 of Guangze’s villages had introduced the scheme. And in 2005, Nanping city, of which Guangze is a subsidiary, decided to expand the mechanism to all of its villages.
The innovation carried interesting implications for different villages. For instance, in the end of 2004, when Bailing village of Lifang Township proposed to do exactly what Daqing villagers had called for two years earlier – to build fiber optic networks for cable TV – most household reps voted against it.
33-year-old Deng Yishan, a household rep and unit chief of the village’s Gaofang group, explained why. “The situation in each village is different. Our funds were very limited three years back, and so we thought it would have been a waste to use them on things that can’t bring economic benefits.”
Instead, Deng and the other family reps recommended using the money to assist tobacco production, the primary local economic activity. The village committees took their advice. Thanks to the decision, Bailing residents today have each enjoyed an average revenue increase of over 200 yuan. The total area of tobacco fields, too, boosted from 140 mu (23 acres) in 2004 to 430 mu (70 acres) last year.
“Each family votes one adult member as its representative,” said Deng. “In my house, that’s me. Families that have people with disabilities or migrant workers can commission a qualified individual within their community in writing. The ones commissioned then act on their behalf.”
“Every three years, representatives in each group elect a unit chief to represent the community in the village. I’ve been that person in Gaofang since 2003. As chiefs, we’re responsible for proposing inner-group or village meetings – with oral consent from at least ten household reps – to the local cadres.”
“When approved, one or more village cadres are required to be present during the meetings, held in a fixed site, often the residence of the unit chief,” added Bailing Party chief Wu Ranghong. In Gaofang, unit household rep meetings are held in Deng’s house. “The reps will have to bring their own wooden benches here – some sit in the house; others at or outside the door,” said Deng, who receives 30 to 50 yuan from the village at year end as a subsidy for providing meeting space.
A flip through Deng’s thick logbooks informs the range of topics discussed during household rep meetings in his unit – from forest reform disputes, road building to the construction of fiber optic networks.
The only notable exception in the past three years in Bailing was recorded in August 2005, when villager Lin Zhongri’s bamboo shoots extended and grew in his neighbor Deng Bin’s backyard. Deng Bin chopped the shoots and sold it for 30 yuan because, as the minutes said, “it belongs to me so long as it grows in my field.” A household rep meeting was convened at Deng Yishan’s residence to discuss the matter. Most people voted against Deng Bin, who was embarrassed and paid the money back to Lin Zhongri on site.
In all the villages, at least two-thirds of the total household reps are required to attend each meeting, where decisions are passed only with an over 50 percent vote. The meetings, including the list of attendees and relevant vote results, must also be logged and reported to the village on a monthly basis.
Those villages with sufficient space and a concentrated population hold regular unit chief or household rep meetings in a central location – in most cases inside the government building. Luo’s unit, which is next to the village government, is one such example. “The records are kept in my place, but people prefer the village site,” Luo said. “It’s much bigger, and feels a lot better too.”
A most welcomed product of the household representative system has been the transformed structure of village finances, according to Weng Jinlian, a 43-year-old female household rep in Fenzhan village of Guangze’s neighboring Shaowu County. “There’s much more auditing of village funds at the township level, and we villagers are also much more informed about it all.”
Now, village finances are required to be posted and updated outside local government offices. Printed copies of detailed transactions are also forwarded to each unit chief to be kept and read during meetings.
“Village finance was the single most important issue for the villagers, who were in fear of cadres’ misuse of local funds. The reps demanded it as soon as the system began,” said Wei Youshui, Party chief of Zhaili, Daqing’s superior township.
Since 2004, every village government in Nanping is entitled to keep only 1,000 yuan ($135) as reserve money. All remaining finances are managed at the township level by an accounting service center, where three to four accountants audit and operate funds from each village. Even in the villages, transactions involving more than 1,000 yuan must now be signed by all Party and village committee members as well as the newly established financial management group, composed of a small number of esteemed senior residents, before being reported to the township.
Looking on, Luo, a unit chief for decades and a household rep since the system began, plans to retire in December. “I’m old. It’s time for the younger ones to carry things forward.”
2. The 1988 Law on the organization of villagers’ committees stipulates that village affairs are administered through local Party and villager committees, voted at villagers’ meetings or villager representative meetings, and then implemented by villager committees.
But by the turn of the century, “it was no longer possible to organize meetings like the old times when a public announcement would suffice to mobilize the entire village, and some communities were too far away from others to effectively communicate with each other,” said Wei. “The huge number of rural youngsters working in the cities worsened this condition.”
Villagers’ meetings had been halted for years in most rural communities, and the villager representative meetings were not functioning smoothly either. “There was an average of one village rep per every 40 people, which is by no means truly representative at this level,” explained Cai Shuwen, head of Sandu village in Wuyishan Township.
As a result, tension between village cadres and peasants was both constant and severe, Wei said. “Troublemakers and even gangsters were sometimes voted as village heads, who in turn agitated the public against the local Party committees. It was simply impossible to conduct real work.”
The success of the household representative system in Nanping in a mere few years would seem as though the entire nation could follow suit. But Chi Yiming, a division head and senior researcher with the city’s organization department, said things are not so simple.
“It is without question that in line with the central government’s policy directives in favor of the countryside, peasants and agriculture, rural communities have drastically improved in all walks of life. This shifting state inclination offers the foundation for Nanping’s exploration,” he said.
“But realistically, China, particularly its countryside, is too massive and too complicated for an all-encompassing scheme of democracy.”
Many other local leaders, too, hold the same view. Emerging issues in the household rep system are posing new challenges for a careful revision, which Lin said “should be studied in detail.”
For example, as Sandu Party chief Li Hui argues: “Peasants are much more prone to short-term interests than long-term benefits – many would think that environment should naturally be sacrificed for the pursuit of individual wealth. Now that the household rep system is established, it’s just too difficult to lobby back.”
Others worry that potential sources of conflict lurk not only between the village cadres’ benign wishes and peasants’ immediate demands, but also in the renewed psychological tension among local administrators in this context. In the words of a retired village cadre: “How can you deal with cases where a cadre is undoubtedly right and villagers’ demands irrational or even harmful to their own well-being, and where the former is outvoted by the latter?”
This is not to mention the growing momentum of powerful clans, which may, or in some instances already have, become a vital factor in household rep votes, said Chi and Wei.
And yet, in Wei’s words: “People at China’s most grassroots level here enjoy the greatest democracy, and that’s the way it should be. Things will only get better.” |
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