看朋友的space，发现一个好玩的图片心理测试：
http://match.lansin.com/zy.html

 

你的类型为： 壮志凌云的热心人

点击这里看图文并茂的测评结果：
http://match.lansin.com/cs/zy/report/report.php?txttype=SE&sex=m&maintype=S

图片测评结果文字版：

性格简笔画：

太阳每天都是新的，因此你的身上总是散发着阳光的味道。

你不喜欢宅男宅女的生活，你的外向势不可当。你活跃在朋友的聚会、活动的场所，喜欢不断结交新的朋友.

你喜欢和大家一起学习、交流，当你被大家所关注，会让你体验到自己的价值。你喜欢竞争、敢冒风险，挑战来临前觉得期待和激动。

对于你而言，与其平平淡淡地过小日子，不如轰轰烈烈的去干一番大事。在你一直在寻找机会，一个可以提升自己展示自己的机会

你关心社会问题、比较看重社会义务和社会道德 ，同情弱者，憎恨施暴的人，看不惯身边不正义的事情存在。
　

爱情扫描仪：

你总想在各种场合吸引异性的眼球，因为低调不是你惯性的作风。特别是遇到让你心如鹿撞的可人儿，难道你要认为这是爱神给你发错信息？

往往，你交往的对象要求善良，有爱心，如果有养个小猫小狗的更能打动你的心。那些对需要帮助的人横眉冷对的异性，不在你恋爱的历史和计划书中。

一旦你发现了猎物， 90%的可能会选择主动出击，而不管对方恋爱与否又或者生老病死。Nothing is impossible。

对着电视爆米花不是你们的风格，还不如像许三多说的那样：去做很多很多有意义的事情。你们需要的不是平平淡淡，淡定真实；你们需要的是策马奔腾，享受人间繁华。

注意问题：

的确，能不断地交到新的朋友，总得来说不是一件坏的事情，特别是当前主流的价值观鼓励外向和交流的时候。但是，如果你一味的追逐去建立更多的人脉，而没有花时间去经营自己身边的关系，可能你会出现这样的局面——泛泛之交很多，而知心的却没有几个。

另外，你的注意力的焦点更多的是在外部，你关注社会、外界等等信息。人的心理能量毕竟是有限的，一旦你花太多时间去追逐外界的东西，你就会越来越忽略你的内心。什么是自己真正想要的？什么是自己能要的？明确目标，而不是醉心于得到和失去过程，而在这个过程中迷失自己。

发展方向：

喜欢要求与人打交道的工作，能够不断结交新的朋友，从事提供信息、启迪、帮助、培训、开发或治疗等事务，并具备相应能力。

如: 教育工作者（教师、教育行政人员），社会工作者（咨询人员、公关人员）、心理咨询师，医护人员、酒店经理、福利人员等。

As a national leader in collective farming and rural industrialization, Nanjie has revived an age-long ideological debate that recently elevated and placed it under intense criticism from a batch of Neoliberal scholars and media personnel, who distain the idea of rural cooperatives, let alone collectives, and believe privatization is the ultimate solution to China’s rural issues.

 

Wang Hongbin, Nanjie’s Party chief and a delegate to last month’s plenary session of the Communist Party of China’s Central Committee, considers the October document a “magic pill” for solving issues in Nanjie and other villages alike.

 

“The fifth part of the document stresses on improving eight types of rural public services. In my understanding, entrepreneurs and the private economy can’t be relied on any of these things. After all, none of the private bosses have truly done much about rural public services,” Wang told China Daily.

 

“That means we ought to develop the collective economy, which is the foundation to solving ‘Sannong’ problems. Collective economy is the inevitable path,” he added.

 

“Indeed, Nanjie’s methods may not apply to just any village. I do hope other villages could develop their own methods in relation to their concrete situations and the policy document. But the essence of it all should be to construct the new socialist countryside,” Wang said.

 

But while he believes “centralism is the best form of democracy; it is nothing like a private boss taking care of business all by themselves”, some of the country’s mainstream scholars and the media are nonetheless convinced that collective ownership is the root of all rural evil, and have tried to make sure that Nanjie’s model not be followed.

 

The controversy did not start without a cause. Nanjie’s wide-ranging welfare system is founded on collective capital, used to attract migrant laborers, who outnumbered the local residents by 3 to 1 at one point during the late 1990s. The gradual rise in their benefits meant heavy burdens for the village, which, however unwillingly, existed inside a prospering market economy.

 

To sustain its goal of distributing goods and services according to need, the village committee sought for bank assistance. The Agricultural Bank of China offered the most loans throughout the years. The loans, according to the bank, were the backbone of Nanjie’s egalitarianism.

 

But when markets crashed in 2004, the village’s dominating food industries could no longer hold on. Nanjie was placed on banks’ blacklists after the village failed to pay loans that year. All bank loans to Nanjie have stopped since then, and the village is on a 1.7 billion yuan (US$ 249 million) debt.

Nanjie was forced to privatize as it sought for listing on the Hong Kong stock exchange. Following legal procedures, 12 local decision-makers were registered as the joint-stock company’s primary stockholders.

 

On Feb 26, 2008, the Southern Metropolis newspaper published an investigative report after one of its journalists allegedly traveled to Nanjie. The story claimed: “The village collective that boasts billions of yuan in capital is owing more than one billion in debt. Its secretive privatization three years ago meant that the 30-year-old ‘myth’ might have come to an end.”

 

The report sparked extensive debate on- and offline. Neoliberal scholars and Nanjie supporters alike stood firm to their respective sides. Prominent rural scholar Dang Guoying, a most vocal advocate of rural privatization, took the lead in accusing Wang to be “an extreme leadership-freak and control-freak”, whose “totalitarian communal ambition” is doomed to result in failure, as the report had discovered. 

 

“If thousands more of Wang Hongbin continue to prosper in China, then China’s future will be dimmed! I neither hope nor believe that’s going to be the case,” Dang wrote.

 

Southern Metropolis soon echoed Dang’s critique by carrying an article by its columnist Lian Yue, who said: “It’s only after the money support faded that we found out Nanjie has no underwear on… I hope it can collapse slowly and take its time to die.”

 

News of Nanjie’s “bankruptcy”, which flooded the mainstream media, met significant online speculations. Netizens questioned the report’s reliability, while arguing that the criticizers were all too “essentialist and reductionist” on the issue. The degree to which these academic practitioners felt displeased with Nanjie’s indigenous development, netizens assert, is inappropriate.

 

The few intellectuals who are actively involved in rural affairs and peasant self-governance, in comparison, tried to present a more balanced view.

 

For Wen Tiejun, Dean of Renmin University’s School of Agricultural Economics and Rural Development and director of the James Yen Rural Construction Institute: “The Nanjie collective mode of economy was an incidental choice as rural China industrialized. There is no way to determine the inevitability of this mode.”

 

“Industrialization necessitates the scaled concentration of resources in the form of capital. Nanjie did so by collectivizing community resources, using Mao Zedong Thought as a tool for mobilization,” he observed.

 

Scholar and former rural cadre Li Changping, who is accredited with coining together and popularizing the term “Sannong problems”, said: “Some people ask why Nanjie isn’t dead. If a countless number of villages that rely on benefits from agricultural land rents is still holding up, how can the 7,000 “organized modern villages” that engage in not just that, but also share added values from non-agricultural land rents and benefits from land capitalization, be bankrupt so easily?”

 

“Nanjie doesn’t have a very good system, but it is well developed because its relations of production are superior to the household responsibility system, and are on par with the level of productivity there,” Li said.

 

Amidst fierce debates and growing controversy, Nanjie has remained surprisingly silent – at least to outsiders.

 

In a written statement released to – but rarely seen on – the media, Wang said the privatization in 2004 was a result of mere legal compliance, and has had no effect on Nanjie’s management and distribution structures. None of the 12 shareholders, he said, has received a cent of shares.

 

According to him, despite the 1.7 billion yuan debt, Nanjie’s net assets still total 900 million yuan. As such, the village is “nowhere near” bankruptcy.

 

Wang acknowledged that 2004 was Nanjie’s worst year, when its 26 firms had a total of only 20 million yuan of circulating fund. Local residents had to pool their limited savings together to sustain the village collective. Today, the companies’ circulating fund is at more than 60 million yuan.

 

“The reality is, the Nanjie economy is experiencing a turnaround while the world is in a financial crisis… we’ve recovering through our own effort,” Wang said.

 

“Like the policy document and the top leaders have said, the two reasons behind China’s remarkable handling of this year’s great events and difficulties are the Party leadership and the socialist system. That’s what we’ve learned, too,” he said.

 

“In the face of similar economic and ideological tests, private bosses would have packed up and run away, leaving behind a collapsed company and hungry employees. That didn’t happen in Nanjie,” Wang said.

 

The villagers – residents and migrant workers alike – tended to agree.

 

Cheng Huajie, chief of the Nanjie Kindergarten, said: “Life here is like a pair of shoes. You’d never know it’s comfortable or not unless you try it on.” Her village kindergarten is the largest in Luohe city and a provincial model. About 720 of the 870 children enlisted are from outside Nanjie. 

 

“Seriously, just look at me. I take great pride in my job here. I graduated from Zhengzhou (Henan’s capital city) and decided to settle down here because it’s got this enormous confidence,” she said.

 

“Nobody locks their doors around here. I don’t either. I hardly even take my keys with me. There are even times when I leave hundreds of kids in here, doors open, for errands in town, without having to worry about their safety,” she added.

 

“This place is under the sun. There’s not much darkness,” said Cheng, who stressed that Nanjie’s cadres are “fish in a fishpond”. “People watch them all the time,” she noted.

 

“We go our way and let others talk. What else can they do? Say, how much do housing, school and healthcare cost in Beijing, and how many banks and companies are truly bankrupt now?”

 

Chao Weiyong, director of Nanjie’s TV station, said it’s better to keep a low profile against media distortion: “We wouldn’t care less about these smears. Yes they’ve destroyed our image. But we’ve managed to come this far. The villagers all know in their heart what’s true and what’s not.”

 

“The Southern Metropolis report said when former village chief Wang Jinzhong died in 2003, more than 20 million yuan of cash was found in his safe. Now just how large a safe would that be?” he asked.

 

“It’d just be stupid to get into a fight with these people. It’s not worth it… There are some genuine problems in Nanjie. But could you point me to a place that doesn’t have a problem?”

 

“Sannong” problems, or problems confronting China’s agriculture, countryside and peasants, have been the buzzword behind the top leadership’s focus on rural issues in recent years. The term stemmed from Li, who in 2000 petitioned then-Premier Zhu Rongji in a famous open letter that complained: “the farmers’ life is hard, the villages are poverty-stricken, and agriculture is in crisis”.

NANJIECUN, Henan: Unlike most farmers who toil in the field for a living, Zhao Minsheng more or less works the land for fun. He doesn't work for himself, has no fixed land to grow crops or fall back on, but gets a steady 400-yuan (US$ 59) monthly income all the same.

 

The 60-year-old leads a team of 22 co-workers in Nanjie, a village at the heart of Central China’s Henan province. Re-collectivized farmland has allowed agriculture here to soar on a pair each of corn and wheat harvesting equipments. It is through them that the 22 local villagers, mostly male and with an average age of 55, work on 600 mu of land. They draw in 800,000 yuan (US$ 117,165) every year, with an output of 900 kg of crops per mu.

 

But those aren’t the only differences between villagers in Nanjie and those elsewhere. Nanjie farmers refer to themselves as “farm workers”. They work the land as a collective, give all farming income to the village and receive free housing, healthcare, water, electricity and heating in return.

 

Such welfare has allowed Sun Fu’an to leave work after overseeing Nanjie’s animal farm for a decade. But since there is no retirement system in the village, he is not retired. In his own words: “I was just tired of breeding, and am too old to work in the village firms like our children.”

 

In Nanjie, only 22 male residents, with an average age of 55, engage in farm work, while the younger people work in the village’s 26 firms, mostly making and selling instant noodles, flour, spices, chocolate bars, beer, liquor and medicine.

 

Nanjie is different from other villages – different even upon first sight. It wakes up to the tune of “the East is Red” at 6:15 am, greets its workers with “Sailing the Seas Depends on the Helmsman” around noon, and sends them home when “Socialism is Good” is played at the broadcast station at 5 pm. At the village center is a 6m-tall statue of Chairman Mao, guarded by local militia at all times and flanked by portraits of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin.

 

At every turn, from apartment homes, village schools, shopping area to factory workshops, residents as well as visitors cannot help but read the various traditional and contemporary moral teachings in huge characters plastered on the walls.

 

But the village embodies much more than utopian nostalgia. Thirty years into the reforms, and at a time of crippling free markets and soaring rural cooperatives, Nanjie remains a leading name among the 7,000 to 10,000 villages in China that have held onto, or readapted, the collective model.

 

Quite a few villages in Henan have replicated Nanjie’s model. Even leaders from Anhui province’s Xiaogang village, the famed “birthplace of the reform”, have paid a number of visits to Nanjie and left words of endorsement and admiration in its museum guestbook. The words from Xiaogang Party chief Shen Hao were: “(We will) learn from Nanjie, strengthen the collective economy and proceed towards common prosperity.”

Nanjie is home to and provides free housing, cradle-to-grave healthcare and education for about 3,200 residents and another more than 3,000 migrant workers who have received “honorary resident” titles.

 

Villager Liu Gaimin’s story mirrors most of her kind in Nanjie. The 67-year-old came to the village when she married in 1962, and suffered through decades of hardship. For years she regretted marrying wrong. “There was no decent thing to eat, no decent water to drink and no decent place to live… a big rain outside the house meant a small rain in it,” she recalled.

 

Along with the rest of rural China, Nanjie dismantled its communes in 1983. The household responsibility system was adapted, and two factories were set up. But it wasn’t long before the firms declared bankruptcy, and their bosses ran away with the villagers’ money.

 

In 1986, the village committee regained the companies’ assets, and called upon those who were unable to use their allocated farmland to return them to the village collective for others to work on. Liu’s family, who had five mu, was among the first to do so. Others gradually followed suit. By 1990, the collective was able to gather all of the village’s 1,000 mu of farmland.

 

With village companies and other property returned to the community, Nanjie began to offer welfare to its residents, first free water and electricity, then coal, natural gas, meat, eggs and flour, and finally education. By the early 1990s, Nanjie had completed a welfare system, in which even agricultural taxes and medical expenses were paid for by the village collectively.

 

Construction for apartment buildings began in 1991. Liu moved into a three-bedroom suite two years later, and became a factory worker until 2004.

 

“I’m just an ordinary farmer. I’ll be grateful all my life to these village cadres who have helped us get to where we are now... this happy life of ours now didn’t come easy, really,” she said.

 

Like all Nanjie villagers, Liu is entitled to 15 kg of flour and 60 yuan of welfare tickets per month. She no longer works, but still earns 200-300 yuan a month for hosting daily visits as part of the village tourism company’s field experience programs.

 

Visitors began to swarm Nanjie since the 1990s, but it wasn’t until 2004, when the village was suffering its worst year yet economically, that local decision-makers started a tourism company that charges for random home visits and sightseeing tours.

 

Almost all of the company’s employees are from outside the village. Ni Yandi, 22, is among them. Long been attracted to Nanjie’s name, the town girl came to the village to apply for work after high school in 2004. The new tourism firm offered a job and assigned her a dormitory.

 

“It’s actually very nice working here. I don’t have to think as much; most things are taken care of,” she said. “It’s a messy world out there.”

 

To some extent, Nanjie’s economy relies on the 6,000 migrant workers like her, who have come to – and many settled down in – the village, while millions of rural youths around the country throng the cities for work. These migrant workers – an overwhelming number of them women – are mostly employed in the village’s factories, restaurants, museum, hotel and the tourism company.

 

Some key local positions, too, are occupied by people from the outside. Sheng Ganyu, director of the weekly Nanjiecun News, is an example. Having spent 12 years in Nanjie, Sheng, also responsible for dealing with the media, knows all of journalism’s “dirty tricks” and feels proud of his experience here. The pride, he says, is not related with the fact that his cellphone and phone expenses are all paid for by the village collective.

 

“The amazing thing about Nanjie is, it’s a village that is home to about 600 people who have gone to or are still in college. Of these, 30 people have graduate degrees, and one of them has a doctorate,” Sheng said.

 

“The village provides tuition fees and travel expenses for every one of them, but never forces any of them to come back. People come back only if they want to; there’s no obligation attached whatsoever,” he added.

 

“Now how many villages have that kind of confidence?”

 

The Li siblings have come back for the most realistic reasons – a good pay, with lots of welfare, at home. Li Chongyang, the younger sister, just graduated from northeastern China’s Shenyang Pharmaceutical University this summer and works at the village’s pharmaceutical firm. She earns 800 yuan a month. The village paid all her tuition, which totaled more than 6,000 yuan in freshman year and about 5,000 yuan for each of the remaining three years.

 

“There’s no place like home,” Chongyang said. “My classmates all envied me throughout college… the money the village gives you is like the money your parents give you.”

 

“And hey, I don’t feel much of a difference between here and Shenyang. At least in terms of standards of living and transportation, we aren’t anything beneath Shenyang,” she said.

 

Chongyang is among the five Nanjie youths who went to the Shenyang Pharmaceutical University in 2004. All but one are now back in the village.

 

Her elder brother Li Yanfu, too, came back after receiving a diploma from the Beijing Printing Institute two years ago. An employee with the Sino-Japanese joint venture Naikeda color-printing firm, Yanfu just married in an annual group wedding this Oct 1. He is assigned a new two-bedroom apartment, to which he will move from his parents’ place shortly.

 

But unlike most senior-aged residents, the young man said whether he would stay in the village forever depends. “Right now, I’m here because there’s not much pressure, and I can learn things just like if I were outside the village. And I figure it’s time I do some payback for Nanjie.”

 

Local villagers watch the standard 42 channels, including the Nanjie channel that airs a 30-minute program every Saturday night, on their home TV. Most of them are Internet surfers, curious about the world outside as much as it is about them. They observe current affairs – the financial turmoil, social crises and rural crimes – with much interest and pity in how the world has become.

 

Very few, though, have learned of the recent farmland reform. After all, the village has come so far that its younger generation has little sense of land – as do rural youngsters elsewhere. But unlike most other villages, farm workers in Nanjie aren’t afraid that their children will sell the land one day when policy allows. Chongyang’s instant reaction to the news gives some insight: “What, land? We’ve been working the land together forever.”

Wen Tiejun, rural scholar

The Nanjie collective mode of economy was an incidental choice as rural China industrialized. There is no way to determine the inevitability of this mode. Industrialization necessitates the scaled concentration of resources in the form of capital. Nanjie did so by collectivizing community resources, using Mao Zedong Thought as a tool for mobilization.

 

Li Changping, rural scholar

Some people ask why Nanjie isn’t dead. If a countless number of villages that rely on benefits from agricultural land rents is holding up, how can the 7,000 “organized modern villages” that engage in not just that, but also share added values from non-agricultural land rents and benefits from land capitalization, be bankrupt so easily?

 

Nanjie doesn’t have a very good system, but it is well developed because its relations of production are superior to the household responsibility system, and are on par with the level of productivity there.

 

Liang Langtian, student, Renmin University’s School of Agricultural Economic and Rural Development

The collective path is the inevitable path in China’s rural development.

 

 

Dang Guoying, rural scholar

Wang Hongbin represents a group of people who are extreme leadership-freaks and control-freaks… if thousands more of Wang Hongbin continue to prosper in China, then China’s future will be dimmed! I neither hope nor believe that’s going to be the case.

 

Lian Yue, Southern Metropolis columnist

It’s only after the money support faded that we found out Nanjie has no underwear on… I hope it can collapse slowly and take its time to die.

 

Mere Wagalala (Fiji Islands), visitor

This is a good role model but it needs very committed leaders. It is like the Kibbutz system in Israel and I hope it will continue.

 

Edmund Qpokil-Agyeman (Ghana), visitor

This is a wonderful testimony to the results of committed people-centered leadership. It is an example for all developing countries committed to the principle of people participation in development.

 

Fantastic!

Nanjie doesn’t offer answers to all rural issues. It has its own share of problems, which earlier media reports argued had already led to the village’s “bankruptcy” without the residents’ knowing.

 

The village’s wide-ranging welfare system is founded on collective capital, used to attract migrant laborers who massively outnumber the local residents. At one point during the late 1990s, Nanjie had more than 10,000 migrant workers. The gradual raise in their benefits meant heavy burdens for the village, which, however unwillingly, existed inside a prospering market economy.

 

To sustain its goal of distributing goods and services according to need, the village committee sought for bank assistance. The Agricultural Bank of China offered the most loans throughout the years. The loans, according to the bank, were the backbone of Nanjie’s egalitarianism.

 

But when markets crashed in 2004, the village’s dominating food industries could no longer hold on. Nanjie was placed on banks’ blacklists after the village failed to pay loans that year. All bank loans to Nanjie have stopped since then, and the village is on a 1.7 billion yuan (US$ 249 million) debt.

Nanjie was forced to privatize as it sought for listing on the Hong Kong stock exchange. Following legal procedures, 12 local decision-makers were registered as the joint-stock company’s primary stockholders.

 

On Feb 26, 2008, the Southern Metropolis newspaper published an investigative report after one of its journalists allegedly traveled to Nanjie. The story claimed: “The village collective that boasts billions of yuan in capital is owing more than a billion in debt. Its secretive privatization three years ago meant that the 30-year-old ‘myth’ may have come to an end.”

 

The report sparked extensive debate on- and offline. Neoliberal scholars and Nanjie supporters alike stood firm to their respective sides, while the villagers themselves remained silent – at least to outsiders.

 

In a written statement released to – but rarely seen on – the media, village Party chief Wang Hongbin said the privatization was a result of mere legal compliance, and has had no effect on Nanjie’s management and distribution structures. None of the 12 shareholders, he said, has received a cent of shares.

 

According to him, despite the 1.7 billion yuan debt, Nanjie’s net assets still total 900 million yuan. As such, the village is “no where” near bankruptcy.

 

In an interview with China Daily, Wang said 2004 was Nanjie’s worst year, when its 26 firms had a total of only 20 million yuan of circulating fund. Local residents had to gather their limited savings to the village collective. Today, the companies’ circulating fund is at more than 60 million yuan.

 

“The reality is, the Nanjie economy is experiencing a turnaround while the world is in a financial crisis… we’ve recovering through our own effort,” Wang said.

 

“Like the policy document and the top leaders have said, the two reasons behind China’s remarkable handling of this year’s great events and difficulties are the Party leadership and the socialist system. That’s what we’ve learned, too,” he said.

 

“In face of similar economic and ideological tests, private bosses would have packed up and run away, leaving behind a collapsed company and hungry employees. That didn’t happen in Nanjie,” Wang said.

 

The villagers – residents and migrant workers alike – tended to agree.

 

“When I’m on a conference somewhere and tell others that I’m from Nanjie, people would look at me as if I’m a monster from another planet,” complained Cheng Huajie, chief of the Nanjie Kindergarten. “So I recently just tell people I’m from Luohe (the city to which Nanjie belongs).”

 

“Life here is like a pair of shoes. You’d never know it’s comfortable or not unless you try it on,” the migrant worker said. Her village kindergarten is the largest in Luohe city and a provincial model. About 720 of the 820 children enlisted are from outside Nanjie.

 

“Seriously, just look at me. I take great pride in my job here. I graduated from Zhengzhou (Henan’s capital city) and decided to settle down here because it’s got this enormous confidence,” she said.

 

“Nobody locks their doors around here. I don’t either. I hardly even take my keys with me. There are even times when I leave hundreds of kids in here, doors open, for errands in town, without having to worry about their safety,” she added.

 

“This place is under the sun. There’s not much darkness,” said Cheng, who stressed that Nanjie’s cadres are “fish in a fishpond”. “People watch them all the time,” she noted.

 

“We go our way and let others talk. What else can they do? Say, how much do housing, school and healthcare cost in Beijing, and how many banks and companies are truly bankrupt now?”

 

Chao Weiyong, director of Nanjie’s TV station, said it’s better to keep a low profile even in face of media distortion: “You know, we wouldn’t care less about these smears. Yes they’ve destroyed our image. But we’ve managed to come this far. The villagers all know in their heart what’s true and what’s not.”

 

“The Southern Metropolis report said when former village chief Wang Jinzhong died in 2003, more than 20 million yuan of cash was found in his safe. Now just how large a safe would that be?” he asked.

 

“It’d just be stupid to get into a fight with these people. It’s not worth it… There are some problems in Nanjie. But could you point me to a place that doesn’t have a problem?”

 

 

 

 

重庆土改实验推倒重来

《南风窗》刊记者 尹鸿伟 发自重庆

曾经备受关注的土地改革实验已经被中央叫停，现在，重庆市又重新开始了新的尝试，但目标仍然是“土地流转”。

“简单点说，就是重庆原来进行的‘股田制公司’改革被停止，改为进行农民专业合作社建设。”重庆的一名农业官员说，“尽管只是实验失败，但推倒重来怎么说也是令人尴尬的。”

“土地流转在农村其实早就出现，并且一直存在，愿意流转土地的农民往往是有其他谋生方式的群体，而只能靠土地生存的农民是不可能流转土地的。前者对土地的生存依赖已经很小，后者没有土地则不能生存。”华中科技大学中国乡村治理研究中心主任贺雪峰说。

无论城市发展、农民生活、企业投资还是商业活动，土地资源都是基础。重庆大学可持续发展研究院副院长蒲勇健认为：“土地在中国历来不仅仅是个经济问题，更是个政治问题。从重庆土地的命运，能够窥探未来中国土地政策的走向。”

　　不能再前进

重庆市在获批为中国第三个“国家统筹城乡发展综合试验区”后的2007年7月，出台了《服务重庆统筹城乡发展的实施意见》，其中“允许以农地承包经营权出资入股”最引各界关注。《意见》称，支持当地探索农村土地流转新模式，在农村土地承包期限内、不改变土地用途的前提下，允许以农村土地承包经营权出资入股设立农民专业合作社，及在条件成熟的地区开展农村土地承包经营权出资入股设立有限责任公司和独资、合伙等企业的试点工作。

这种以工商登记将土地权益正式转化为资本的试验开了国内先河，被形象地称为“股田制公司”。事实上，重庆的“ 股田制公司”在《意见》出台前已经“未登记出现”。国家开发银行重庆分行透露，截至2007年5月，重庆市已有35家以土地入股的农民公司，涉及柑橘、花椒种植和生猪养殖等农业产业项目；同时，重庆市财政局也从涉农资金中拿出部分给予补贴(本刊2008年第5期曾以《土地命运决定成渝试验区成败》为题进行报道)。

但随后，中央农村工作领导小组办公室调研后，紧急叫停了“股田制公司”的推进，专家们提出以下担忧：首先，土地承包经营权入股后，一旦经过股权转让，则非农村集体成员也可能获得土地承包经营权，这与现行的土地承包制度发生冲突；其次，一旦入股企业破产，土地则可能用于偿还债务，农民面临失地风险；还有，按照《公司法》的规定，公司股东不超过 50人，而农地入股的公司股东大多超过百人。这些可能出现的情况，都与现行的《农村土地承包法》冲突。

“重庆土地入股实际上就是一种以农民土地承包经营权为资本的投资行为，而投资本身就是有风险的。”蒲勇健说。其实，在《意见》发布的同时有关部门也强调，虽然允许农民以承包地经营权入股，但有两个前置条件：一是经区县人民政府批准；二是在条件成熟的地区开展。“从某种意义上讲，农民办的‘土地股份公司’只准成功，不许失败。”

蒲勇健认为：“这些措施是继减免赋税、提高农产品价格等方法后，增加农民收入的一种良好尝试。遗憾的是，重庆试验只是在土地管理与使用的方式上发生了变化，并没有突破土地产权的大关，即土地是农民基本财产的问题还没有得到法律确认，仍然仅仅是一种生产资料。”

现在看来，蒲勇健与中央政府的专家都在担心，所不同的是，蒲勇健希望“往前走，突破土地产权的大关”，后者却是“不能再前进，必须停下来”。

贺雪峰对失地风险的担忧非常认同。他认为，以卖断若干年承包经营权为基础的土地流转，事实上是一种不可逆的土地流转，农民将土地流转出去获得一些现金后进城，这些进城农民事实上不再可能回到村庄，因为他们已经不再能随时取回已经流转出去的土地承包经营权了。“例如最近经济大萧条引发大量企业破产，大量农村打工者不得不回家，如果他们没有了土地作为退路，后果很难想象。”

然而，国家是否应该继续将农民的土地交给农民作为“退路”，而不予其平等的公民待遇和社会保障，经济不景气了就让他们回家种地了事，显然是一个“不能再停止”的追问。

　　戴着镣铐跳舞

“股田制改革”被叫停，在相关报告上，温家宝总理批示要求先行实施“股田改革”的省市要探索以土地入股发展农民专业合作社。

“这样的消息对于重庆市的官员们不亚于晴天霹雳，辛苦了很长时间，没有想到是这样的结果，而且是中央命令。” 重庆市一名国土官员透露，“参与前期‘股田制公司’改革尝试的官员都急了，而在农民层面反应倒不大，因为工作怎么做，他们都是听政府的。”

一些人担心，早在上个世纪50年代，合作社就已经出现过，还成为人民公社的“重要构成部分”，而人民公社实验给中国农民、中国社会带来的灾难，上点年纪的人都不堪回首。于是，国家级的专家努力解释：这一次的合作社与人民公社时代的合作社不同，“前者是基于农民的现实需要，后者则是政府强行推进的产物”、“现行的专业合作社是在农村家庭承包经营基础上，以同类农产品的生产经营者或者同类农业生产经营服务的提供者、利用者，自愿联合、民主管理的互助性经济组织 ”。

《农民专业合作社法》已于2007年7月1日起实施。从2002年至2007年底，重庆市已加入“两社一会” (专业合作社、综合服务社、专业协会)的农户达到143万户，占重庆市714.9万农户的20%，农户年增收500元以上。

按照中央部署，重庆市农委已经起草并经重庆市政府常委会通过了《关于开展农村土地经营权入股，发展农民专业合作社的决定》，目前已报国务院待批。按照该《决定》，重庆拟发展的农民专业合作社，有股权单一、生产要素合作、股份混和、股权转租及股份参与五种模式。重庆当地一名农业官员认为，上述模式估计可以避免土地承包经营权入股所带来的违背法律法规的情况，也可避免农民失地，其最大的特点是“保留承包权，转让使用权”。

“既然‘股田制改革’被叫停，那么已经初具基础的‘农民专业合作社’将会成为重庆市的下一个发展方向。”重庆市一名政府学者表示。但目前几乎没有官员愿意出面证实。

上述那名农业官员提供了相对清晰的答案：“承包权和经营权分离，承包权永远掌握在农户手中，可以解决非农村集体成员获得土地承包经营权，同时也可避免两权集中导致的农民失地问题。”但另外值得关注的是，尽管《农民专业合作社法》规定，金融机构要为农民专业合作社提供多渠道的资金支持，但现实情况是，因为土地经营权是个虚拟的东西，金融机构仍然不愿贷款，合作社的融资渠道依然不畅。

蒲勇健也表示，农业专业合作社不能解决土地上的所有问题，如果重庆市仅靠技术性改革注定将不会成功，可能会形成所有人都在参加，但是最后所有人都不想管，也管不了。他说：“我曾经也热切关注过‘股田制公司’的情况，觉得其并非一无是处。股田制有它的优点，应该可以和农业合作社并存，如果目前的法律上有阻碍，为什么不可以考虑修改《公司法》等法律内容呢？”

显然，中国的土地改革必然涉及现行《宪法》、《土地管理法》、《土地承包法》、《担保法》、《物权法》等，可以说都在限制着重庆土改，令其不得不“戴着镣铐跳舞”。

“又想改革，又怕风险，尤其是害怕农民失去土地，这就成了改革的悖论。”蒲勇健说，“像西班牙、意大利这些农业比重大的发达国家，中国本来可以向其学习，但最后仍然有一个关键问题无法逾越，即它们的土地是私有的，农民的自主性很强，可以随时选择加入或者退出。众所周知，中国农民的情况完全不一样。”

10月19日，《中共中央关于推进农村改革发展若干重大问题的决定》正式发布，该《决定》在明确现有土地承包关系要保持稳定并长久不变的同时，还提出，按照依法自愿有偿原则，允许农民以转包、出租、互换、转让、股份合作等形式流转土地承包经营权，发展多种形式的适度规模经营；有条件的地方可以发展专业大户、家庭农场、农民专业合作社等规模经营主体。

不过该《决定》也强调，土地承包经营权流转，不得改变土地集体所有性质，不得改变土地用途，不得损害农民土地承包权益。

尽管重庆的“股田制公司”实验遭遇挫折，但是农民土地交易权扩大的脚步已经无法停止，千方百计让土地焕发生机已经成为不可阻挡的潮流。

“重庆市土地交易所很快就会有眉目了，到时候将为重庆的统筹城乡改革和新农村建设带来极大的帮助。”2008 年10月底，重庆市国土资源和房屋管理局的一名官员在电话中向记者透露，“不过在中央没有正式批准前，我们只能保持沉默，免得又遭遇像‘股田制改革’被叫停那样的尴尬。”

不过已经有人先行一步。2008年10月13日，旨在“推动农村产权的合理流动、促进农村资本的有序流转”的成都农村产权交易所挂牌成立，为全国首例。成都市市委书记李春城和市长葛红林双双参加并一起为交易所揭牌，足见地方政府对于农村产权交易之热衷程度。

贺雪峰则提醒说：“无论是已经成立的成都农村产权交易所，还是即将成立的重庆市土地交易所，我觉得都应该对其经营行为保持一种警惕。因为现在许多地方政府和官员为了财政收益，为了个人政绩，都纷纷打土地的主意，并非真正对土地、对农民的命运负责。”

贺雪峰透露，10月初在赴成都调研期间，自己为此问题“还与成都市委书记李春城有过激烈的讨论”。他说：“农村的土地无论走合作化道路，还是私有化道路，都不能忘记中国的国情，即拥有稳定的土地制度是必须的。因为差不多还有9 亿农民无法马上离开土地，中国的粮食安全问题并非耸人听闻，所以对于那些肆无忌惮把土地变成旅游、房地产和工厂的牟利行为，我一直保持谨慎态度。”

此前的8月5日，国土资源部和重庆市政府已经签订《推进城乡综合配套改革工作备忘录》，一直对城乡建设用地挂钩试点持谨慎态度的国土资源部，将支持重庆探索集中使用土地整理专项资金，推动土地整理，并在此基础上试验城乡建设用地流转，建设城乡土地交易市场。

重庆拟建的城乡土地交易市场，将以城乡建设用地转换挂钩交易为主，并拟将部分农用地的流转纳入其中，开展“四荒地”和林地等土地拍卖业务，相对市场化地进行城市建设用地指标和农村建设用地指标的互换，以解决城市扩张过程中建设用地需求量难以解决的问题。

重庆直辖10年以来，已经有500万农民向城镇居民转换，占用城市建设用地指标，同时也释放出150万亩农村建设用地。依据这样的数据计算，重庆市政协常委邱道持认为，“实行城乡建设用地增减挂钩试点，重庆不仅可以解决城市建设用地缺乏问题，还可有相当数量的农村建设用地用于复耕。”

据悉，正在修改的《土地管理法》仍保留了长期以来备受非议的政府征地制度，不过，十七届三中全会之后，征地产生差价收益部分的分配制度可能会有所改变。因为，城乡建设用地转换挂钩交易频繁之后，如何保障农民的利益无疑将成为突出的问题。